Silent Sentinels

These pages are dedicated to the story of New Zealand's First World War trophy guns - some 200 German, Turkish and Austrian artillery pieces, 80 trench mortars and 2,000 machine guns, captured by New Zealanders in battle on Gallipoli, in France and Belgium, and in Sinai-Palestine between 1914 and 1918. "

These war trophies were amongst the few tangible relics of the First World War ever to be brought back to New Zealand for the education of the general public on the New Zealand soldiers’ experience of war.. While the trophy guns and maxim guns were never displayed in the national war museum called for by New Zealand servicemen, it was appropriate, given that their silence had been bought at a high price in human lives, they were instead distributed throughout the country to become the first temporary war memorials while more permanent memorials were being built in stone.

Available here on this website is Dr Aaron Fox's illustrated honours history thesis on the story of New Zealand's First World War trophy collection :Silent Sentinels: The War Trophies of the First New Zealand Expeditionary Force in War and Peace, University of Otago, 1987. For those wanting a briefer history of New Zealand trophy guns, the following entry was prepared for Ian McGibbon (ed.) The Oxford Companion to New Zealand, Auckland, 2000.

War Trophies

The classical European concept of the trophy, the civic display of enemy weaponry as a memorial to victory, was imported into colonial New Zealand by European settlers.[1] By the late nineteenth century, obsolete cannon ornamented civic sites throughout the country, including two genuine Russian trophy cannons captured at Sebastopol during the Crimean War, and despatched by the British Government to Auckland for display.[2] New Zealand’s first war trophies were Boer artillery, maxim guns and rifles captured during the Second South African War (1899-1902) and shipped to New Zealand for display with the permission of the Imperial authorities.[3]

The First World War occasioned the greatest-ever war trophy activity within the British Empire. New Zealand’s first official trophies of war were German Colonial Service flags captured in Apia, German Samoa on 29 August 1914.[4] The trophy tally thereafter reflected the relative mobility of Allied campaigns, with the few trophies captured during the Gallipoli Campaign of 1915, or on the Western Front in 1916 or early 1917, often being the only demonstrable successes of otherwise disastrous military operations.

During the German and Allied Offensives of 1918, the New Zealand Division captured some 145 guns, 1,419 machine guns and 2 tanks.[5] The New Zealand Mounted Rifles Brigade, serving with the Egyptian Expeditionary Force, also captured significant numbers of Turkish, German and Austrian weaponry.[6] These totals were supplemented by a proportion of German weapons surrendered under the November 1918 Armistice, and allocated to New Zealand by the Imperial War Trophies Committee which met in London.[7]

By 1919, approximately 200 field guns, 80 trench mortars, 2,000 machine guns and 5,000 rifles had been transported to New Zealand.[8] Returned Servicemen hoped that the collection would form the basis of a National War Museum in Wellington, the proceeds from which would be used to the benefit of disabled servicemen.[9] The museum was never constructed, and the trophy guns were instead distributed throughout the country to local authorities, museums and schools for public display.[10] Trophy weapons became objects of municipal pride as local authorities competed for the biggest and best trophies. Larger guns, unsuited to long-term public display, nevertheless became temporary Great War memorials, prior to the construction of permanent monuments. Many of these weapons would later be buried or scrapped during anti-war protests in the 1930s, or the ‘invasion scare’ of 1942.[11]

Trophy maxim guns, unsuitable as patriotic exhibits in schools and museums, were often abandoned. In 1932, amidst rioting by the unemployed, the New Zealand Police considered that unwanted maxim guns presented a threat to public safety and accordingly collected and destroyed them. A decade later, several German trophy maxims were converted to fire .303 ammunition to help repel the expected Japanese invasion.[12]

During the Second World War, practical not patriotic considerations determined the transportation of captured enemy weapons to New Zealand for home defence and technical evaluation and training purposes.[13] Likewise in post-1945 conflicts, New Zealand troops had not repatriated trophy guns for public display.

In more recent times, Great War trophy artillery and maxim guns have passed into private ownership, while those few weapons which remain on public display are finally being restored, conserved and valued as unique relics of ‘The War To End All Wars’.


References:
1. Entry ‘Trophy’ in W. Little, H. W. Fowler, J. Coulson, C. T. Onions and G. W. S. Friedrichsen, The Shorter Oxford English Dictionary on Historical Principles, London, 1963, p. 2369; A. P. Fox, Silent Sentinels, the War Trophies of the First New Zealand Expeditionary Force in War and Peace, B.A. (Hons) Long Essay, Department of History, University of Otago, Dunedin, 1987, pp. 1-2; M. Clayton, To The Victor Belongs The Spoils. A History of the Australian War Trophy Collection 1914-1993, Masters Thesis, Melbourne, 1993, pp. 4-10.
2. Fox, Silent Sentinels, pp. 2-3; Clayton, To The Victor, pp. 11-12.
3. Fox, ibid; Clayton ibid, p. 15; J. G. H. Moore, With The Fourth New Zealand Rough Riders, Dunedin, 1906, p. 150; Ted Andrews, Kiwi Trooper. The Story of Queen Alexandra’s Own, Wanganui, 1967, p. 72; D. L. Goldsmith, The Devil’s Paintbrush. Sir Hiram Maxim’s Gun, Cobourg, 1989, p. 115.
4. Fox, ibid, pp. 7-9.
5. Fox, ibid, p. 42, quoting H. Stewart, The New Zealand Division 1916-1919. A Popular History Based On Official Records, Auckland, 1921, pp. 618-619. Note that General Harper mentioned three German A7V Tanks, although New Zealand was allocated only two A7Vs , ‘Hagen’ and ‘Schnuck’. See Fox, ibid, pp. 49-50; J. H. Luxford, With The Machine Gunners in France and Palestine. The Official History of the New Zealand Machine Gun Corps in the Great World War 1914-1918, Auckland, 1923, p. 138; D. Fletcher, ‘A7V First of the Panzers’, in Wheels and Tracks, Number 25, October 1988, pp. 36-37.
6. Fox, ibid, pp. 27-30; 50-52.
7. Fox, ibid, pp. 43, 46-47.
8. Ibid, pp. 47-48. Note that the totals of New Zealand trophies shipped from the United Kingdom were: 1,231 machine guns, 165 field funs, 81 trench mortars, 5,000 rifles, 3,070 steel helmets, plus anti-tank rifles and numerous sundry items. The totals of trophies shipped from Egypt are less certain, hence the approximate totals given in the text.
9. Ibid, pp. 8-9, 25-26, 31-32, 44-46, 60-62, 65-66.
10. Ibid, Chapter Four: ‘Distribution’, pp. 60-80; see also Clayton, ibid, pp. 61-92; M. McKernan, Here Is There Spirit. A History of the Australian War Memorial 1917-1990, St Lucia, 1991, pp. 70-73.
11. Fox, ibid, pp. 81-9.2
12. Ibid, pp. ii, 85-87; Goldsmith, ibid, pp. 286-287; R. A. Howlett, History of the Fiji Military Forces 1939-1945, London, 1948, p. 16.
13. Fox, ibid, p. 92; R. Dunlop, R. Macpherson and R. Ewing, New Zealand Military Aircraft 1913-1977, Wellington, 1977, pp. 34-35 provides details on the German Bf 109 E-4 1963-5 and Japanese A6M3 Zero-sen 22 3844 2-182 brought back to New Zealand; H. Bioletti, The Yanks are Coming. The American Invasion of New Zealand 1942-1944, Auckland, 1989 includes a photograph on p. 4 of Italian howitzers at Aotea Quay, Wellington, in June 1942, which had been brought back to New Zealand from Libya for home defence purposes.

Preface

At approximately 7.15 pm on the evening of 15 June 1981, demolition contractors discovered fifteen World War One German machine guns between the foundations of the cell block of the old Invercargill Police Station. The building was owned by the local newspaper, The Southland Times, and was being demolished to make way for a new printing-press room. [1] Despite local interest in the find, and before either the Southland Museum or the Queen Elizabeth II Army Memorial Museum at Waiouru had had the chance to inspect or collect any of the weapons for display purposes, the local police seized the weapons and dumped them ‘at an undisclosed site.’ Superintendent T. V. Thomson, the then Commander of the Southland Police District, claimed that the machine guns were ‘junk’ and of ‘little historical value in their condition’, despite the fact that no-one qualified to make such an assessment had been able to inspect the weapons. [2] In April 1983, a correspondent to The Southland Times asked ‘Why are so many artillery guns used as decoration around war memorials… Surely a simple plaque proclaiming the reasons for which these men and women died would be far more appropriate[?]’[3] Under the pseudonym ‘Rifleman’, I replied, asking ‘…what should replace these silent sentinels… If these symbols of horrific slaughter are removed… how will future generations know to guard against such folly?’[4]

These two separate incidents serve to illustrate current attitudes towards the World War One weaponry which is still on public display in the Otago and Southland area. Such attitudes range from apathy to outright hostility. This research project began on 16 June 1981 as an attempt to discover how and why such weapons were brought halfway across the world after World War One, and why they have gradually disappeared from public view thereafter. What began as a hobby grew into a long essay with the discovery of substantial archival holdings relating to these weapons held at the National Archives, and of extensive pictorial holdings held at the Alexander Turnbull Library. The information contained in these repositories forms the basis of the following dissertation.

The quantity of German-made weapons, captured by New Zealand troops on Gallipoli, in France and Belgium, and in Palestine and Mesopotamia, constituted the only concrete evidence of the troops’ achievements in the Great War to be brought back to New Zealand. The military records held at National Archives suggest that these war trophies evoked a series of very different reactions from the New Zealand public – a process which can be observed from 1914 to 1945 and through to the present day. Initially, such weapons prompted feelings of nationalism and pride in the feats of ‘the cream of New Zealand manhood.’ The first trophies were curiosities, both to the troops who captured them, and to those back in New Zealand who paid to view them. Nationalistic fervour intensified when it was seen that the Canadian and Australian forces were amassing better collections of captured enemy weaponry. This nationalism then became tinged with patriotism when the New Zealand authorities agreed to allow the Imperial War Museum to have first choice of all Empire trophies.

Those responsible for collecting trophies for New Zealand were inspired by the thought of a National War Museum which would preserve the achievements and sacrifices of the New Zealand Expeditionary Force for future generations. This belief helped to foster inter-regimental rivalry as troops from different regions sought to accumulate a total number of trophies worthy of display in the war museum or their home towns. The financial realities of the post-war world meant that the National War Museum never eventuated, much to the dissatisfaction of many veterans. The Government's subsequent decision to distribute the large number of war trophies throughout the Dominion, sparked a wave of intense provincialism or parochialism.  Local Councils and Roads Boards campaigned for representation on the Army-controlled regional allocation committees, and for a proportional share of the captured enemy material. Provincial pride often turned to disillusionment as the battle-scarred and often incomplete trophies arrived. In sharp contrast, the national-wide pacifism of the 1930s led many New Zealanders to view these weapons as symbols glorifying war.  If the long Depression of the 1880s had fostered fears of a Russian Invasion, the Great Depression sparked strong anti-war sentiments. As the most visible reminders of World War One, the once-honoured trophies now bore the brunt of the pacifists' wrath.

Having reflected at different times the country's changing moods of patriotism, nationalism, provincialism and pacifism, New Zealand's World War One trophies are now merely dilapidated relics of a catastrophic war which ought never to be forgotten.  The title for this project comes from ‘Rifleman's' letter to The Southland Times of 12 April 1983, as the sentiments expressed within it were, (and still are), deeply felt.



First World War German Tropgy Maxim Gun


Four of the cache of approximately 15 First World War German trophy maxim guns unearthed in the foundations of the former Invercargill Police station cell block on the evening of 15 June 1981. The MG ’08 maxim gun in the centre of the photograph was still on its sledge mounting, and ‘still had some working parts and grease in the breech’. The MG ‘08/15 maxim guns were described as being ‘in a lesser state of repair’. The trophy maxim guns were seized and disposed of by the Invercargill police on 16 June 1981, as the weapons ‘were thought to have little historical value in their condition’. Original Caption: ‘Old Arms Found in Foundations’: Excavator operator Mr Andrew Murray with a German Maxim machine-gun which was among the cache of arms found in the foundations of the cell block of the former Invercargill police cell in Esk Street during demolition work last night. The demolition contractor, Mr Ray Braven, holds a smaller bore Maxim.’ Southland Times 16 June 1981.


References:
1. The Southland Times, Invercargill, 16 June 1981.
2. ibid, 17 June 1981.
3. ibid, 5 April 1983.
4. ibid, 12 April 1983.

Introduction: What is a War Trophy?

The concept of war trophies is as old as that of warfare itself.  In classical times, the trophy was a symbol of a warrior's prowess in battle, the result of one man besting another in the ultimate trial of strength.  Homer's Iliad, the epic of the Trojan Wars, records that a trophy took the form of the enemy's armour offered as a gift to the gods, while ‘booty' was the material plundered from towns and distributed by commanders as payment to their troops.[1] Such trophies and booty were the personal property of the soldier who had won them in battle.  The Romans continued this tradition, and improved upon it with the Triumph, whereby a victorious General, if granted the honour by the Senate, could march through Rome parading the spoils of war before him.[2] Warfare changed little through the Middle Ages.  Armour, the bow, and the sword still dominated the battlefield, and became prized trophies to be displayed in the victor's castle, or to be sold off by mercenaries, or serfs pressed into military service, to help offset the personal costs of warfare.[3]

A crucial change occurred some time in the Thirteenth Century when gunpowder, and then cannons and firearms were invented.  According to tradition, firearms originated in Germany when a Franciscan monk had an accident while grinding gunpowder.  Whether or not this was the case, the use of firearms became increasingly widespread by the end of the Fourteenth Century.[4] Firearms became popular because they were efficient and technologically superior to other weapons, with a destructive power never before seen. Artillery began to serve a civic function when a city's guns engendered a sense of security and civic pride amongst the inhabitants thus becoming a powerful Renaissance status symbol. Guns also came to be a new symbol of a soldier's success in battle, and Sixteenth Century art showed guns as ‘trophies a l'antique'.[5]

William Hogarth, Trophy A Stand of Arms. 1750

The introduction of firearms was not without opposition from some quarters, whereby the gun was identified with the devil. This new weapon was considered un-christian and un-chivalrous, and the only solution was to rid the world of them.  In Milton's Paradise Lost they were buried under mountains.[6] Nevertheless the gun, with its powerful ascendancy over fortifications and troops alike, increasingly came to dominate the battlefield.           

Guns featured prominently in the early development of New Zealand. Apart from the havoc which the introduction of the musket wrought on Maori society, the European settlers imported the concept of trophy guns, together with the ideas of loyalty to Great Britain, the British Monarchy, and the British Empire.[7] From the 1860s onwards, a variety of artillery pieces were on public display throughout the country.  Initially such pieces were ships' canon, either removed from shipwrecks or brought ashore to be used in land deals with the Maori.[8] These weapons were usually placed in parks or reserves in towns, in some cases becoming such an accepted part of the scenery that the exact origin of the weapons was either forgotten, or passed into folklore.[9]  Following the end of the Second New Zealand War and the withdrawal of Imperial Troops in 1870, a quantity of British ordnance was left behind, and was placed on display in the North Island.[10]  During the Crimean War, British troops captured so many Russian cannons at the Sebastopol fortress that many of these guns were shipped out to the Colonies as ballast.  Auckland received two such weapons, which were placed in Albert Park.[11]  In the 1870s the New Zealand Government distributed a number of obsolete early nineteenth century fortress cannons to places such as Auckland, Napier, Wellington and Port Chalmers.[12]


The 1870s and 1880s were a period of repeated ‘Russian Scares', and between 1885 and 1890 an expensive series of coastal fortifications were constructed to protect New Zealand's major ports.[13] A number of Armstrong Rifled Muzzle-Loading (R.M.L.) guns were imported to ward off any Russian warships, but they were already obsolete by the time they arrived in the country.[14] Lieutenant Colonel F. J. Fox in his 1893 report on New Zealand's defence capabilities helped to seal their fate, and by 1910 these dated weapons were dismantled and in, for instance Auckland and Dunedin, were placed on display in the cities' parks.[15] The Second South African (or Boer) War saw a select few captured Boer weapons brought back to New Zealand to grace the country's parks and gardens.[16]


By 1914, therefore, New Zealand already had a varied selection of artillery pieces posing as trophies on display right throughout the Dominion.  Few of these were war trophies in the sense that New Zealand troops had captured them in battle and brought them back to be displayed as symbols of their prowess.  However, the display of such weapons from one end of the country to the other, often beside memorials to the Boer War, might have contributed to the ‘crude and intolerant racial prejudice and militarism' and the ‘unquestioning faith in the righteousness and might of Empire' which so pervaded New Zealand society on the eve of World War One.[17]


References:
1. Homer, The Iliad, (translated by R. Fitzgerald), Oxford, 1984, pp. 4-5, 70-2, 176.
2. Juvenal, The Sixteen Satires (translated by P. Green), Middlesex, 1982, Satire X, p.209; Brunt, P. A. and Moore, J. M. (translators), Res Gestae Divi Augusti, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1983, pp. 29, 33; P. Harvey, The Oxford Companion to Classical Literature, Oxford, 1940, p. 438.
3. Montgomery of Alamein, A Concise History of Warfare, London, 1972, pp. 103-6.
4. ibid, p.106; I. V. Hogg, The Illustrated Encyclopaedia of Firearms, London, 1980, p. 6; J. R. Hale, ‘Gunpowder and the Renaissance: An Essay in the History of Ideas’, in C. H. Carter (editor), From the Renaissance to the Counter-Reformation, London, 1966, pp. 115-6.
5. Hale, ‘Gunpowder and the Renaissance’, pp. 126, 130-1.
6. ibid, pp. 119-21.
7. M. Wright, New Zealand 1769-1840 Early Years of Western Contract, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1959, pp 83-6; E. Schwimmer, The World of the Maori, Wellington, 1966, p. 105; J. Binney, ‘Christianity and the Maoris to 1840. A Comment’, in The Volunteers, The Journal of the New Zealand Military History Society, Volume 8, Number 2 (September 1981), p. 17; B. Elsmore, Like Them that Dream, The Maori and the Old Testament, Tauranga 1985, p. 38; W. L. Ruffell, ‘Weaponry and Tactics in the Taranaki Wars. Part 1 – Weaponry’, in The Volunteers, The Journal of the New Zealand Military Historical Society, Volume 8, Number 2 (September 1981), p. 17.
8. An example of a cannon from a shipwreck is the cannon from the whaler ‘Pacific’, wrecked in Paterson Inlet in 1864, and now in display outside the Stewart Island Museum, Halfmoon Bay, Stewart Island. Photographed 18/12/85. Volume 2, War Trophies Photograph Albums, Author’s Collection. The ‘Ruapuke’ cannon was reputed to be one of the weapons listed in the first recorded land sales in the South Island of 9 November 1832, and is now on display in the Southland Museum and Art Gallery, Invercargill. Photographed 24/8/85, Volume 1, War Trophies Photograph Albums, Author’s Collection. Another example is the ‘Blenkinsopp’ Carrondade, bartered by Captain Blenkinsopp with Te Rauparaha and other chiefs on 26 October 1832, for the Wairau Plain. The weapon believed to be the carronade in question is now on display outside the Blenheim Town Hall, Blenheim. Photographed 11/5/83, Volume 1, War Trophies Photograph Albums, Author’s Collection.
9. The best example is the ‘Britomart’ Cannon at Akaroa, which is an original George the Third naval cannon of 1808 on a spurious field carriage, with no evidence to support the legend that it came from H.M.S. Britomart. B. Scott, ‘A Cannon in Search of an Identity’, in New Zealand Cavalcade of Antique Arms, A Twentieth Anniversary Publication of the New Zealand Antique Arms Association Incorporated 1959-1979, Christchurch, 1979, pp. 134-7.
10.L. Barber, Red Coat to Jungle Green. New Zealand’s Army in Peace and War, Wellington, 1984, pp. 35-6. For instance, there are two artillery pieces of Maori War Vintage now on display at the Monmouth Redoubt, Tauranga, photographed 4/3/85, Volume 3, War Trophies Photograph Albums, Author’s Collection. There are also several 1860s-era ordnance pieces now on display at the Queen Elizabeth II Army Memorial Museum, Waiouru – see, for instance, W.L. Ruffell, ‘The Queen Elizabeth II Army Memorial Museum, Waiouru’, in The Volunteers, Volume 5, Number 9 (December 1978), pp. 3-4.
11. C. J. Andrews and W. L. Ruffell, ‘The Cannon at Okahu Bay’, in The Volunteers, Volume 7, Number 4 (March 1981), p. 4.
12. Anonymous, ‘More about the Cass Square Cannon’, in The Volunteers, Volume 5, Number 7 (July 1978), pp. 6-7. W. L. Ruffell, ‘The Guns in Albert Park (Part II)’, in The Volunteers, Volume 5, Number 8 (September 1978), p. 6. Postcard of the 24 Pounder Smoothbore Cannon on Mount Victoria, Wellington. Fired for many years as a noon signal. Postcard purchased in Wellington, May 1985, Volume 3, War Trophies Photograph Albums, Author’s Collection; Photograph showing two fortress cannon at Port Chalmers in F.H. Knight, Otago Cavalcade 1921-1925, Dunedin, 1984, p. 57.
13. Barber, Red Coat to Jungle Green, pp. 53-6.
14. C. Johnson, Artillery, the Big Guns go to War, London, 1975, pp. 53-6; W. L. Ruffell, ‘The Armstrong Gun (Part V)’, in The Volunteers, Volume 7, Number 2 (September 1980), pp 1-4.; W. L. Ruffell, ‘The Armstrong Gun (Part VI)’, in The Volunteers, Volume 7, Number 3 (December 1980), pp. 1-5.
15. Lieutenant-Colonel F. J. Fox, 1893 Report on the New Zealand Defence Works and Armaments, Part II (Confidential), Wellington, 1893; W. L. Ruffell, ‘The Guns in Albert Park (Part I)’, in The Volunteers, Volume 5, Number 7 (July 1978), pp. 7-10. W. L. Ruffell, ‘The Guns in Albert Park (Part II)’, pp. 6-7. F. H. Knight, Otago Cavalcade 1911-1915. Photograph of an R.M.L. Armstrong being mounted at the Triangle, Dunedin, p.18; F. H. Knight, Dunedin Then, Dunedin, 1977, photograph of an R.M.L. Armstrong underneath the Royal (Prince of Wales) Oak, Botanic Gardens, Dunedin. Illustration Number 203.
16. Barber, Red Coat to Jungle Green, p. 66. 17. K. Sinclair, A History of New Zealand, Middlesex, 1959, p.214; C. Pugsley, Gallipoli, the New Zealand Story, Auckland, 1987, p. 32.

Chapter 1: Acquisition

It was evident in the first few days of what would become World War One that it was a totally new style of warfare from anything previously experienced.[1]  German victories against Austria in 1866 and France in 1870 and 1871 demonstrated the efficiency of a well-trained and well-organised modern army with mobile, artillery, and by 1914 most European armies had followed Germany's example.[2]  Together with this new concept of warfare, a conference was held at The Hague in 1907 to decide upon ‘The Laws and Customs of War on Land'.[3]  Considerations of ‘humanity… the general interests of mankind and… the doctrine that the damage caused to the enemy must not be out of all proportion to the advantage gained by the other side', meant that the unlimited right to seize and take enemy property of every kind no longer existed.[4]  Admissible war booty was now defined as:

‘…cash, funds and realisable securities which are strictly the property of the [enemy] State, depots of arms, means of transport, stores and supplies, and, generally, all movable property belonging to the [enemy] State which may be used for military operations.'[5]

Such booty now belonged to the occupying state, which could damage or destroy it ‘in the interest of…military operations.'[6] Individual claims to booty or trophies were no longer possible, and private enemy property was specifically exempted from the process of occupation and control of a territory by the invading (or ‘hostile') army.[7]

None of this was of much concern to the members of the First Echelon (or Main Body) of the New Zealand Expeditionary Force (N.Z.E.F.), as they prepared, in October 1914, to sail to a war halfway across the world.  Of more importance to New Zealand was the success of her troops who had already sailed on 12 August 1914 to seize the German territory of Samoa.[8]  On 29 August the island was ‘invaded' and occupied by the New Zealand troops of the Samoan Expeditionary Force – without a shot being fired – and the German flag on Samoa's Government Buildings was hauled down, becoming New Zealand's first official war trophy of World War One.[9]

The sword surrendered by the Commander of the German garrison on Samoa posed no such problems, as it was retained by Major H. T. Fulton, Commander of the 3rd Auckland Regiment, and was still in the family's possession in 1979.[13]

New Zealand's attention was soon focussed on the Middle East, where the Main Body of the N.Z.E.F. had arrived and was in training.  The force's first taste of action had been in November 1914 when H.M.A.S. ‘Sydney' forced the German cruiser ‘Emden' to run aground on the North Cocos Isle while escorting the Australian and New Zealand troopships across the Indian Ocean.[14] However, while the British Expeditionary Force in Flanders had already taken its first German artillery pieces in September 1914, it was not until February 1915 that New Zealand had the opportunity to capture its first examples of enemy equipment.[15]  The New Zealand Brigade had landed in Egypt, not France as had been expected, and on 3 February 1915 the 12th Nelson Company of the Canterbury Infantry Battalion engaged Turkish troops attempting to cross the Suez Canal in five pontoons. One of the Nelson Company was killed in the fighting, but the pontoons were sunk and the attack repelled.[16] General Sir John Maxwell, General Officer Commanding (G.O.C.) the British Army in Egypt was enthusiastic in his praise of the New Zealand soldier, and in March 1915 offered one of the Turkish pontoons, on behalf of the Nelson Company, to the New Zealand Government.[17] 

James Allen accepted the gift, decided that the pontoon should go to Nelson, and wrote to the Mayor of Nelson asking if the city would accept the item, and if so could he make ‘the necessary arrangements for its care and preservation'.[18]  The Nelson Town Clerk replied, noting the Council's great pleasure in accepting the pontoon.[19]  In the event, the Wellington Branch of the New Zealand Patriotic Society had already required the loan of the trophy for its carnival procession.[20]  The plan was to exhibit the pontoon and ‘charge for admission, the proceeds to be devoted to the wounded New Zealand Soldier's Fund', since the public had already been able to view it for free, and ‘it would no doubt greatly augment the funds, if we now refuse inspection of the same.'[21]

The Defence Department had no objection to the request, the exhibition proceeded, and the pontoon arrived safely in Nelson in July.[22]

Evidently the Imperial Authorities had no means of regulating the allocation and distribution of trophies, because General Maxwell's Aide-de-Camp wrote to Prime Minister W. F. Massey in April 1915, offering yet another pontoon.[23]  Brigadier-General A. W. Robin, Godley's replacement as Commandant of the New Zealand Military Forces, advised James Allen to accept the gift ‘to be disposed of as the Government may decide.'[24]  Prime Minister Massey brought about the first political ‘crisis' concerning trophies when he applied for an additional pontoon for display in Wellington, while General Robin asked for one for Christchurch. General Maxwell's staff in Cairo were unwilling to become involved in political issues, and Massey's request alone was granted, as ‘It will then be for him to decide between the rival claims of the Dominion and Provincial Capitals.'  The requests for two more pontoons caused some resentment amongst Maxwell's staff, as the comment was made that ‘New Zealand has not done badly in getting two trophies.  No other Administration has been given more than one, except the Suez Canal Company.'[25] The additional pontoon eventually arrived in Wellington, and after all the problems encountered in getting it back to New Zealand it remained in storage until it was despatched to Dunedin.[26]

An intense patriotism was now evident among New Zealanders as a result of the deeds of the ‘Boys' now fighting on Gallipoli, and the continuing recruiting drive throughout the country.  The war was, however, too distant for those still in New Zealand to fully understand what was happening on the other side of the world. The Turkish pontoons were the first physical evidence of the war to return to the Dominion, and it was not long before Allen received the first request from a local authority for ‘some captured arms or other trophy from the field of operations of our boys at the front.'  Dannevirke had not managed to ‘secure any trophy in connection with the Boer War', and did not wish to miss out this time.[27]  Allen replied, making the first official policy statement regarding war trophies, to the effect that ‘it will be recognised that where the troops from any particular locality are closely identified with the capture of any trophies of war, such localities would have first claim to same if placed at the disposal of the Government.'[28] Dannevirke's application was quietly shelved until a more appropriate time.

The reason for the paucity of trophies at this time was that the N.Z.E.F. did not have a section (or even an individual) responsible for the collection of historical material related to the war.  In 1915 there was no New Zealand War Records Section, and whatever staff were involved in this work were attached to the Australian War Records Unit.[29]  By comparison the Australian Imperial Forces (A.I.F.) had C. E. W. Bean, who was almost single-handedly responsible for recording the deeds of the A.I.F. at Gallipoli and elsewhere, and who began collecting material for a proposed Australian War Museum at a very early stage in the war.[30] In October 1916 The Honourable G. W. Russell, Minister of Internal Affairs, wrote to Allen suggesting that ‘the Dominion Museum [in Wellington] should obtain a collection illustrating the part that New Zealand is playing in the present European War.'  The Museum's Director, Dr J. A. Thomson, proposed that Malcolm Ross, New Zealand's Official War Correspondent, be asked to collect historical material suitable for such a display, evidently following Bean's example.[31] 

It was significant that such an initiative came from the Internal Affairs Department, responsible for overseeing the administration of New Zealand's various museums, rather than the Defence Department.  There appeared to be no interest in establishing such a War Museum amongst those at Defence Headquarters in Wellington, which was content to leave the allocation of trophies up to the whim of the Imperial Authorities who, in turn, still lacked the bureaucratic machinery to deal with such allocations.  Despite a favourable reaction from Allen to the proposal, it was taken no further and Malcolm Ross never began collecting ‘anything of historical interest.'[32]

Given that in 1915 the war was not going well for the Allies, and that the Gallipoli Campaign in particular was at a stalemate with little actual contact with the enemy, it was not surprising that the question of trophies was not uppermost in the Defence Department's priorities.  The only trophies to arrive in New Zealand from Gallipoli were captured in the disastrous August offensive, when New Zealand troops in Chunuk Bair held ‘the power to directly influence the course of world events'.[33]

A Turkish machine gun captured by the Canterbury Mounted Rifles Regiment presented no problems, as it was forwarded to the Commander of the Canterbury Military District in accordance with the Regiment’s wishes.[34]

Two Turkish trench mortars and a two-barrelled Nordenfeldt gun were a different matter, however, as they were forwarded to Wellington from the New Zealand Base Depot in Cairo without any instructions as to their intended disposal.[35]  A note was found in the barrel of one of the guns from the Ordnance Depot at Number Two Outpost, Gallipoli, signed by three New Zealanders and three Australians to the effect that:

‘We the undersigned, will be damned pleased to see these mortars erected in some suitable park – Auckland preferred – as we are sick and tired of the sight of same about the depot… Please acknowledge receipt of same…'[36]

General Robin advised Allen that ‘all trophies should be listed and retained until some even distribution can be made', but Allen felt obligated to carry out the donors' express wish.[37] He therefore offered the two mortars to the Auckland City Council, and advised the first signatory of the note, a Sergeant Gilmour, of his actions.[38] The mortars arrived in Auckland and were placed in the Public Library in Albert Park, site of an already impressive display of ordnance.[39]

The issue was further complicated by the arrival of a telegram from Major-General Godley, now Commandant of the N.Z.E.F., advising Allen that the Otago Mounted Rifles Regiment had captured the Nordenfeldt and one trench mortar, that Sergeant Gilmour had merely packed and forwarded the guns, and that they should thus go to Dunedin.[40]  Evidently Wellington did not act on Godley's telegram until March 1917, when Major-General (previously Brigadier-General) A. W. Robin offered the Nordenfeldt to his home town, Dunedin.[41] This delay is probably explained by the fact that Defence Headquarters had more important things with which to concern itself, such as supplying equipment and troops to the N.Z.E.F., now reorganised from a Brigade into a Division, transplanted to France and involved in the Somme offensive of 1916.  At any rate the Dunedin City Council accepted Robin's offer, and the matter finally seemed at an end.[42] Then, in April 1917, the Secretary of the Gisborne Citizens' Defence Committee wrote to Allen, pointing out that the Nordenfeldt had been captured by several Gisborne Legion of Frontiersmen drafted into the Otago Mounted Rifles, and that it should thus go to Gisborne.[43] The Committee received no satisfaction from Allen, and contacted The Honourable W. MacDonald, Minister of Agriculture.[44] He then wrote to Allen, asking that ‘as the Gisborne District has responded so nobly to the country's call, it would be a gracious act on the part of the authorities if the Nordenfeldt gun… could be handed to the citizens of Gisborne, who, so far, have not received a single war trophy.'[45] A solution to the problem was provided by Major G. R. Mitchell, Commanding Officer of the Otago Mounted Rifles, who stated that ‘No particular man or party of men are entitled to lay claim to having captured the gun as…the capture of the gun itself was the result of the combined work of the whole unit… I certainly consider the people of Otago have every just claim to it.'[46] The Nordenfeldt stayed in Dunedin, the trench mortars stayed in Auckland, and Gisborne's aspirations to trophies remained unsatisfied.

Obviously a more satisfactory means of dealing with the question of war trophies was necessary.  Allen, together with General Robin, had taken the first tentative steps in formulating a policy regarding the distribution of trophies within New Zealand, and Allen felt duty-bound to respect the wishes of those New Zealanders now on active service, fighting for God, King and Empire.  However, the increasing demands for suitable weapons for display in cities and towns now being made by Patriotic Societies and Town and Domain Boards could not be ignored.[47]  The Army was less concerned with the appropriation of ‘souvenirs of no real value for military purposes' than possible looting of military property by troops, and had no thought of founding a museum along the lines proposed by Dr Thomson of the Dominion Museum.[48] The Dominion's desire to view some tangible evidence of New Zealand's part in the Great War was temporarily solved when a German naval shell broke off a portion of H.M.S. New Zealand's ensign staff at Jutland, on 31 May 1916.[49] 

 

This piece of metal from the Indefatigable Class Battle Cruiser, which had cost New Zealanders approximately £1,500,000 to construct and present to the Royal Navy, was first displayed in the New Zealand High Commissioner's Office in London, where it ‘attracted a great amount of attention.'[50]  When it returned to New Zealand, Allen assured Sir Thomas Mackenzie, New Zealand's High Commissioner in London, that the people would have the opportunity to see a souvenir of ‘the part played by the officers and men of H.M.S. ‘“New Zealand”.'[51]  The section of ensign staff then toured the country, from Auckland to Invercargill, before ending up in the Dominion Museum in Wellington.[52]

The question of war trophies had evidently been vexing the Imperial Authorities as well, for at a meeting of the Military Members of the [British] Army Council on 2 October 1916, ‘it was decided that a small Committee should be constituted to deal with questions regarding the disposal of trophies.'  Representatives from the Imperial General Staff, India, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa were to sit on the committee, which was to deal only with those trophies as were defined under Article 53 of the Annex to the Hague Convention 1907 as ‘admissible war booty'.[53] On 5 March 1917, the [British] War Cabinet formed a National War Museum Committee, (later known as the Imperial War Museum ‘at the unanimous request of the Dominion's Sub-Committee of the National War Museum').[54] This new committee meant that the War Trophies Committee's terms of reference now had to be altered to include the consideration of ‘the interests of the National War Museum in consultation with the Museum Committee'.[55] The policies formulated by this committee, meeting in London, effectively absolved either Allen or General Robin from any further decisions regarding the distribution of trophies within New Zealand.  No distribution was to be made by the committee until the termination of hostilities, and weapons not required for [re]use against the enemy were to be held in storage at the Ordnance Depot, Mitcham Barracks, Croydon (outside of London).[56]

The systematic collection of trophies and ‘war relics' by the N.Z.E.F. was still not possible owing to the lack of an independent War Records Section.  Any deficiencies in administration were rectified in February 1916 when Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson was summoned from Salonika to become the General Officer in Charge of Administration for the N.Z.E.F. in France and the Middle East. 

English-born, Richardson had come to New Zealand in 1891, and by 1914 was New Zealand's representative at the War Office in London.  He now relinquished the opportunity to command a brigade in Salonika to take up his new position in the New Zealand High Commissioner's Office in London.[57] Described as ‘a military man with great ideas of organisation' or a ‘wolf-grey, bullet-headed old British soldier, General Richardson was central to New Zealand's acquisition and disposal of war trophies after 1916.[58] If New Zealand had lost its ‘insularity' and found a ‘national spirit' on Gallipoli, there was little opportunity to record this fact until November 1917, when the Australian War Records Section had to shift offices in London, finally forcing the N.Z.E.F. Headquarters at Bloomsbury Square, London, to form the New Zealand War Records Section under Lieutenant-Colonel N. Fitzherbert.[59] However, General Richardson's prime administrative considerations were still ‘the interests of the New Zealand taxpayer and the New Zealand private soldier – necessarily in that order, so as to ensure a cost-effective war. The that the operations of this new section would, therefore, be continually restricted by a paucity of funds.[60]

Christopher Pugsley, in his book Gallipoli, The New Zealand Story, suggested that there was little encouragement to remember Gallipoli, but the very nature of the campaign meant that there were few opportunities to engage the enemy and secure trophies for public exhibition in New Zealand – not that the troops were unwilling to fight or that the New Zealand public was reluctant to accept such trophies.[61] The campaign in Western Europe was dramatically different, alternating between the massed offensives of the Somme, Messines and Passchendaele, and the ‘quiet' periods which saw regular trench raiding by both sides to obtain vital intelligence on enemy troop dispositions and armaments.  In 1916, New Zealand troops experienced the full force of the mechanised German war machine, with its bewildering variety of machine guns, trench motors, field guns and howitzers which turned the Somme into the ‘meatgrinder', (1,560 New Zealanders killed and 5,440 wounded in twenty-three days), and which, given the domination of these weapons on the Western Front, continued the stalemate into 1917 and beyond.[62] The New Zealanders had felt some affinity with ‘Johnny Turk' during the long stand-off on Gallipoli, but the Germans were a different enemy altogether.[63] John A. Lee described an enemy bombardment at Messines as a ‘steel hurricane', when ‘curtains of flame fell from the clouds to the heads of men', and while the New Zealanders could attune their ears to the sound of the German batteries of guns, this could not lessen their murderous accuracy.[64]  Humour was used to relieve the realities of the war, and a cartoon in New Zealand at the Front, a 1917 publication intended as a public relations exercise for the Division, showed a New Zealander crouching down as an enemy shell knocked his hat from his head with the caption ‘Wind Up.'[65]

The same publication portrayed a captured German trench mortar position, with a New Zealander wielding a trench club explaining to a solitary German that ‘you won’t “Shoodt"? any more! Exit Fritz’.[66]

In the 1918 edition of New Zealand at the Front, Lieutenant G.P. Hanna depicted Sergeant R.C. Travis V.C. in typical pose as ‘Our Champion Raider (since killed)’, about to destroy a German machine gun post with grenades.[67]

While on leave in Paris or London the New Zealanders would have had the opportunity to inspect the displays of captured German weaponry in the Hotel des Invalides in Paris or in Horse Guards Parade, London.[68] Given that these now silent weapons were often the only physical evidence of the sometimes negligible territorial gains on the Western Front, it is therefore not surprising that they took on a greater significance, representing the deeds of those who had captured the weapons, especially those who had died in the process. In displaying them, the Allies could demonstrate both their achievements and losses all at once. In June 1917, the New Zealand Division mounted its own display in the town square of Bailleul of German weapons captured at Messines.

These trophies were proudly shown to dignitaries such as Canada’s Governor-General, Field Marshall H.R.H. The Duke of Connaught, during his inspection of ‘the Victors of Messines’ – even though one German trench mortar was clearly marked as having been captured by the Lancashire Fusiliers.[69]

This was apparently the only major display of trophies mounted by the New Zealand Division while in France, and photographs of the event show that the exhibition was inspected by generals, English nurses and Australian troops alike.[70]

As the opportunities to obtain such trophies increased towards the end of the war, so did their importance to both the New Zealand Division and the New Zealand public, and the growing list of captured enemy war material would prove to be much more than just an exercise in logistics for the New Zealand Military Headquarters in London, Cairo and Wellington.




References:
1. P. Gibbs, The War Dispatches, London, 1968, War Dispatch for 15 August 1914, p. 12.
2. D. Chandler, The Art of Warfare on Land, London, 1974, pp. 183-4.
3. ‘International Convention Concerning the Laws and Customs of War on Land, Signed at the Hague, 18 October 1907, Annex to the Convention’, in Manual of Military Law, 1914, London, 1917, pp. 330-45.
4. A. Latifi, Effects of War on Property, Being Studies in International Law and Policy, London, 1909, p. 15; J. E. Edmonds and L. Oppenheim, ‘The Laws and Usages of War on Land’, in Manual of Military Law 1914, p. 295.
5. ‘Annex to the Hague Convention of 18 October 1907, Article 53, in Manual of Military Law 1914, p. 344.
6. Edmonds and Oppenheim, ‘Laws and Usages of War’, p. 299.
7. ibid, pp. 295-7; ‘Annex to the Hague Convention of 18 October 1907’, Article 46, in Manual of Military Law 1914, p. 343.
8. S. J. Smith, ‘The Seizure and Occupation of Samoa’, in H.T.B. Drew (editor), Official History of New Zealand’s Effort in the Great War, Volume IV. The War Effort of New Zealand, Wellington, 1923, p. 23.
9. ibid, p. 35.
10. Major C. R. Maidorcht (for the Commander of the Auckland Military District), Auckland, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 15 September 1914, in AAYS 8368 Army Department Series 1 (hereafter AD 1) 920 46/87 ‘Miscellaneous - German Flags – Capture of by N.Z. Troops During Occupation of Samoa in 1914, 1914 – 1935.’ (R22432871) (hereafter AD1 920 46/87) held at Archives New Zealand, Wellington [Hereafter Archives NZ, Wellington].
11. H. T. B. Drew, ‘Preface’, in Drew (editor) The War Effort of New Zealand, p. XV. Major-General A.J. Godley, Wellington to J. Allen, Wellington, 18 September 1914, AD1 920 46/87.
12. R. H. Rhodes, Wellington to W. Nosworthy, Wellington, 24 November 1921, AD1 920 46/87. Major C.R. Maidorcht, Auckland to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 15 September 1914, ibid.
13. B. Scott, ‘Sword is symbol of war’s first victory…and not a shot was fired’, in New Zealand Cavalcade of Antique Arms, pp. 83-6.
14. F. Waite, Official History of New Zealand’s Effort in the Great War, Volume I, The New Zealanders at Gallipoli, Whitcombe and Tombs Limited, Wellington, 1919, pp. 20-3.
15. A. Sudlow, ‘Work is a four letter word’, in Coin and Medal News, Volume 24, Number 5 (May 1987), p. 39.
16. Waite, New Zealanders at Gallipoli, pp.20, 52-5; Pugsley, Gallipoli, pp. 85-7
17. F. A. Mumby, ‘The Dominion’s Share in the War September 1914 – February 1915’, in F.A. Mumby (editor) The Great World War, A History, Volume II, London, 1915 p.157; ‘Heliopolis’ (Major-General A J. Godley), Egypt to J. Allen, Wellington, 30 March 1915, in AAYS 8368 AD1 762 19/41 ‘Competitions and Trophies - Trophies from the Front. Presentation of to the N.Z. Government, 1915 – 1918. (R22430290)’ (Hereafter AD1 19/41), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
18. J. Allen, Wellington to General J. Maxwell, Cairo, 7 April 1915, AD1 19/41; J. Allen, Wellington to the Mayor, Nelson, 12 May 1915, in ibid.
19. G. A. Edmonds, Town Clerk, Nelson to J. Allen, Wellington, 22 May 1915, in ibid.
20. Lieutenant R. H. Nimmo, Honorary Secretary, Trentham Candidate Committee, New Zealand Patriotic Society, Trentham to Major W. L. Robinson, Acting Quarter-Master General (A.Q.M.G.), Wellington, 25 May 1915, in ibid.
21. Captain F. A. Bilton, Defence Shipping Office, King’s Wharf, Wellington to Major W. L. Robinson, A.Q.M.G., Wellington, 18 May 1915, in ibid.
22. Major W. L. Robinson, A.Q.M.G., Wellington to Lieutenant R. H. Nimmo, Trentham, 27 May 1915; G. A. Edmonds, Town Clerk, Nelson to Major W. L. Robinson, A.Q.M.G., Wellington, 2 July 1915, both in ibid.
23. Aide-de-Camp to General J. Maxwell, Cairo to the Right Honourable W. R. Massey, Wellington, 28 April 1915, in ibid.
24. R. Stowers, First New Zealanders to the Boer War 1899, History of the First Contingent of New Zealand Mounted Rifles in the Boer War 1899-1902, followed by a description of each member, Hamilton, 1983, pp. 14-15; Brigadier-General A. W. Robin, Wellington to J. Allen, Wellington, 28 June 1915, AD1 19/41.
25. A. H. Singley (for General J. Maxwell), Cairo to Brigadier-General A. W. Robin, Wellington, 25 August 1915, AD1 19/41.
26. Brigadier-General A. W. Robin, Wellington, to J. Allen, Wellington, 19 January 1916, in ibid.
27. C .A. Mears, Town Clerk, Dannevirke to J. Allen, Wellington, 30 June 1915, in idib..
28. J. Allen, Wellington to C. A. Mears, Town Clerk, Dannevirke, 12 July 1915, in ibid.
29. Extract from ‘Report Number 23’ by Brigadier-General G.S. Richardson, General Officer in Charge of Administration, N.Z.E.F. Headquarters, London, 15 November 1917, in AAYS 8368 AD1 763 19/45/3 ‘Competitions and Trophies - Trophies (War), Formation of Committee, 1923’ (R22430305) (Hereafter AD1 19/45/3), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
30. P. Adam-Smith, The Anzacs, Melbourne, 1979, pp. 357-8; D. A. Williams, ‘Australia’s War Memorial’, in Military Modelling (August 1984), p. 580.
31. G. W. Russell, Wellington to J. Allen, Wellington, 6 October 1915, in AAYS 8368 AD1 763 19/45 ‘Competitions and Trophies - Museum, War, Establishment of in New Zealand, 1915 – 1927’ (R22430300) (Hereafter AD1 19/45), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
32. J. Allen, Wellington to G.W. Russell, Wellington, 15 October 1915, in ibid.
33. Pugsley, Gallipoli, p. 349.
34. Lieutenant N. G. Levien, Ordnance Officer (O.O.), New Zealand Ordnance Despot, Zeitoun to Headquarters, New Zealand Military Forces, Wellington, 6 February 1916; Captain F. H. Bilton, K. Shed, Wellington to Major J. Sullivan, Quartermaster General (3), Wellington, 17 April 1916, both in AD1 19/41.
35. Major J. Sullivan, Quartermaster General (3), Defence Stores, Wellington to Adjutant-General, Headquarters, Wellington, 5 February 1916, in ibid.
36. Sergeant Gilmore (et alia), Ordnance Depot, No.2 Outpost, N.Z. and A. Division, Gallipoli, 24 October 1915. Original note preserved in ibid.
37. Brigadier-General A. W. Robin, Wellington, note of 11 February 1916 (appended to Major J. Sullivan’s memorandum to Adjutant-General of 5 February 1916); J. Allen, Wellington, note of 12 February 1916 (appended to Major J. Sullivan’s memorandum to Adjutant-General of 5 February 1916), both in ibid.
38. J. Allen, Wellington to the Mayor, Auckland City Council, 16 February 1916; J. Allen, Wellington to Sergeant Gilmour, Auckland Regiment, N.Z.E.F., Gallipoli, 18 February 1916, both in ibid.
39. H. W. Wilson, Town Clerk, Auckland, to Major J. Sullivan, Quartermaster General (3), Wellington, 27 March 1916, in ibid.
40. Major A. J. Godley, Ismailia, to J. Allen, Wellington, 27 April 1916, in ibid.
41. Major-General A.W. Robin, Wellington, to the Mayor, Dunedin City Council, 14 March 1917, in AAYS 8368 AD1 763 19/41/4 ‘Competitions and Trophies - Trophies from the Front. Presentation of to City of Dunedin, 1917 – 1921’ (R22430296) (hereafter AD 19/41/4), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
42. J. J. Clark, Mayor of Dunedin to Major-General A. W. Robin, 23 March 1917, in ibid.
43. F. R. Bell, Secretary, Gisborne Citizen’s Defence Committee, Gisborne, to J. Allen, Wellington, 19 April 1917, in ibid.
44. J. Allen, Wellington, to F. R. Bell, Gisborne, 27 April 1917, in ibid.
45. W. MacDonald, Wellington, to J. Allen, Wellington, 12 April 1917, in AAYS 8368 AD1 763 19/41/5 ‘Competitions and Trophies - Trophies. Presentation of to Gisborne District, 1917 – 1921’ (R22430297) (hereafter AD1 19/41/5), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
46. Major G. R. Mitchell, Officer Commanding, Otago Mounted Rifles Regiment, France, to Lieutenant-Colonel Hall, N.Z.E.F. Headquarters, London, 18 July 1917, in AD1 19/41/4.
47. For instance: J. A. Young, M.P. for Hamilton, to J. Allen, Wellington, 25 February 1916; J. Allen, Wellington, to J. W. Carr, Clerk, Ellerslie Town Board, (?) November 1916; The Southland Patriotic Society, Invercargill, to J. Allen, Wellington, (?) November 1916, all in AD1 19/41.
48. Defence Headquarters, Wellington, to Headquarters, Otago Military District, Dunedin, 10 October 1916, in ibid.
49. From a copy of the inscription which accompanied the said portion of ensign staff, preserved in ibid.
50. A. Hurd, The Fleets at War, London, 1914., p .65; I. C. McGibbon, Blue-Water Rationale, The Naval Defence of New Zealand 1914 – 1942, Wellington, 1981, p.7; T. Mackenzie, London, to W.F. Massey, Wellington, 11 August 1916 in AD1 19/41.
51. J. Allen, Wellington, to T. Mackenzie, London, 11 November 1916, in AD1 19/41.
52. A series of letters dealing with the passage of this souvenir of Jutland around the country, between November and December 1916, can be found in ibid.
53. “Report of the War Trophies Committee"?, p.1 (undated but circa November 1919), in War Archives Series 1 (Hereafter WA1) War Records Section [2] [record group] (17625) WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/8 Part 2 ‘Imperial War Trophies Committee, Agenda and Minutes 1919 – 1920’ (hereafter WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/8 Part 2), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
54. “First Annual Report of the Committee of the Imperial War Museum 1917-1918"? (H.M.S.O., 1918), p, 7, in WA1 Military Secretary and Deputy Assistant Adjutant General, Egypt [record group] (17592) 1916? - 1919? range held: 1916 – 1919 WA1 2/1 DAAG Egypt, ENZ 90/60 ‘Captured Guns, etc., 1918 – 1919’ (hereafter WA1 2/1 DAAG ENZ 90/60) held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
55. “Report of the War Trophies Committee"? (November 1918?), p. 1, WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/8 Part 2.
56. ibid, p. 2.
57. G. H. Scholefield, A Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Volume II, Wellington, 1940, pp. 233-4; H. Stewart, Official History of New Zealand’s Effort in the Great War, Volume II, The New Zealand Division 1916 – 1919, Wellington, 1921, pp. 17-18.
58. M. J. Field, Mau, Samoa’s Struggle against New Zealand Oppression, Wellington, 1984., p. 61.
59. Waite, New Zealanders at Gallipoli, p. 300. Extract of “Report Number 23"? by Brigadier-General G.S. Richardson, London in AD1 19/45/3.
60. Stewart, New Zealand Division, p. 611.
61. Pugsley, Gallipoli, p. 354.
62. M. R. Wicksteed, The New Zealand Army. A History from the 1840s to the 1980s, Wellington, 1982, p. 23.
63. Stewart, New Zealand Division, pp. 27-30.
64. J. A. Lee, Civilian into Soldier, London, 1963, p. 194; Stewart, New Zealand Division, p. 66.
65. “Billiken"?, cartoon entitled “Wind-Up"?, France, 1917, in New Zealand at the Front. Written and Illustrated by Men of the New Zealand Division, London, 1917, p. 93.
66. Lieutenant G.P. Hanna, cartoon, untitled, France, 1917, in ibid, p. 17.
67. Lieutenant G.P. Hanna, cartoon entitled “‘Oft in the Stilly Night’ – Our Champion Raider (since killed)"? (undated), in New Zealand at the Front, 1918. Written and Illustrated by Men of the New Zealand Division, London, 1918, p. 59.
68. F.A. Mumby, “The Autumn Offensive of 1915 – First Phase"?, photograph showing trophies captured by the British at Loos and Hulluch on display on the Horse Guards Parade, London, in Mumby (editor), The Great World War, A History, Volume IV, p. 214.
69. Photograph showing the Duke of Connaught inspecting New Zealand trophies in Bailleul, 1917, with the caption “Duke of Connaught inspects the victors of Messines, Market Square, Bailleul. The Duke of Connaught inspecting the trophies taken at Messines 26/6/17, in Photographic Series 350 World War One, negative number 12859½, held at the Alexander Turnbull Library (hereafter ATL), Wellington.
70. Photographic Series 350 World War One, negative numbers 12788½, 12789½, 12859½, 13389½, 13391½, 13393½, 13400½, held at the ATL, Wellington.

Chapter 2: Collection

In September 1917, Major-General A.W. Robin felt compelled to state that the Director of the Dominion Museum and the general public did not appreciate that to encourage officers and men to forward trophies direct to New Zealand was to ‘encourage a breach of the Military Law.’[1] The War Trophies Committee was the proper body to deal with such claims, but James Allen nonetheless telegraphed to both the N.Z.E.F. Headquarters in London and the New Zealand Mounted Rifles Brigade Headquarters in Cairo, asking what action was being taken ‘regarding collection and reservation of trophies for New Zealand at end of war [?]’[2] He also asked the Governor General of New Zealand, the Earl of Liverpool, to enquire if the Imperial Authorities were making any arrangements to allocate to New Zealand any trophies from the fronts on which the New Zealanders had fought, as ‘the New Zealand Government is desirous of getting a proportionate share which will be placed in the Dominion Museum.’[3] The Minister of Internal Affairs, G. W. Russell, replied to Allen’s query, to the effect that New Zealand’s High Commissioner, Sir Thomas Mackenzie, was representing New Zealand on the National War Museum Committee in London.[4]

As in 1915, the initiative for the establishment of a War Museum in New Zealand came from the Internal Affairs Department, and specifically from Dr J. A. Thomson, the Director of the Dominion Museum. In a memorandum to the Minister of Internal Affairs, Dr Thomson reported on the progress made in establishing such a museum, and it was clear that despite ‘numerous representations to the Defence Department’ little had been accomplished. By August 1917, the situation was that if the Internal Affairs Department could find the necessary funds, then supplies of badges, photographic exhibits and so forth could be obtained by the Defence Department for the museum.[5] Admittedly the Defence Department could do little to help the Dominion Museum while the war was still in progress, especially as all trophies collected from the field of battle came under the control of the Imperial Authorities.[6] Before any such museum could proceed, an agreement therefore had to be reached with the Imperial Authorities over the distribution of trophies to the Dominions. Prime Minister Massey agreed ‘with pleasure to the suggestion that the British National War Museum should be allowed to make the first selection of trophies’, no matter who had captured them. It was hoped that in return a representative set of military and naval trophies from all spheres of the war could be given to New Zealand’s War Museum, ‘to make it as representative as possible’.[7]

None of this was of much concern to the members of the First Echelon (or Main Body) of the New Zealand Expeditionary Force (N.Z.E.F.), as they prepared, in October 1914, to sail to a war halfway across the world.  Of more importance to New Zealand was the success of her troops who had already sailed on 12 August 1914 to seize the German territory of Samoa.[8]  On 29 August the island was ‘invaded' and occupied by the New Zealand troops of the Samoan Expeditionary Force – without a shot being fired – and the German flag on Samoa's Government Buildings was hauled down, becoming New Zealand's first official war trophy of World War One.[9]

Once Internal Affairs had agreed to fund the museum, Lieutenant-General (previously Major-General) A. J. Godley issued N.Z.E.F. Order Number 427 of 31 October 1917 relating to ‘Trophies of War’; virtually a verbatim copy of an equivalent A.I.F. order of September 1917.[8] As all official war trophies, other than those required by the Imperial War Museum, were to be ‘placed at the disposal of the New Zealand Government’, all units of the N.Z.E.F. were to make claims for ‘Guns, Howitzers, Machine-Guns, Trench Mortars and other trophies of war claimed to have been captured by them’. Full documentation was required to ‘secure for New Zealand all captures made by her soldiers in the field’, although no promises were to be made regarding the distribution of such trophies within New Zealand.

Together with these ‘official’ trophies, an officer was to be detailed to collect ‘all articles of interest found in the battlefield or, in certain cases, used by units on memorable occasions. Relics of our own, and Allies’ forces are as interesting to posterity as those of the enemy.’ The lack of suitable items from Gallipoli was to be overcome by individuals donating their souvenirs to the nation, with the assurance that they would be ‘tenderly handled, preserved and catalogued with extreme care.’ Already an ambiguity was present in Godley’s statement, as he talked of ‘National Collections formed after the war’ which would represent units in the various Military Districts to which they belonged.[9] This was the policy arrived at by Defence Headquarters in Wellington, of not one war museum, but several. Many members of the N.Z.E.F., however, continued to believe that a single, national war museum was envisaged.[10]

Armed with a policy statement which defined official and unofficial trophies, and an efficient administration capable of verifying New Zealand’s claims to captured enemy war material, the N.Z.E.F. could confidently set about staking its claim to a proportion of Allied trophies representative of the Dominion’s war effort. The ability to ensure that New Zealand could make legitimate claims for trophies became increasingly vital as New Zealand Units began to capture greater numbers of enemy weapons after Germany’s failed Spring Offensive in March 1918. Unfortunately, displays such as that mounted in Bailleul in 1917 were no longer possible, as the procedure for dealing with captured weapons meant that they were to be left in place by the advancing troops, to be collected by special salvage units, which then towed or carted the trophies to large ordnance depots behind the lines.[11]

Here the weapons were evaluated and sometimes tested, before being either reissued to Allied units to be used against their former owners, or classed as being of no military value.[12]

Weapons in the latter category, captured by British or Dominion troops, were then despatched to the Ordnance Depot in Croydon, England. The reissue of machine guns and field guns provided the Allies with excellent propaganda photographs showing ‘Fritz’ getting a taste of his own medicine – and the official N.Z.E.F. photographs of this period were no exception.[13]

The procedure for dealing with the rapidly increasing volume of German weapons in 1918 meant that the War Trophies Committee in London became the arbiter of all claims to trophies. Instructions were therefore issued by N.Z.E.F. Headquarters in London for all N.Z.E.F. units to make careful notes of any numbers or markings on the captured weapons, the date, time, and place of capture and the unit concerned together with the correct map co-ordinates. This information would then be included in an official claim lodged by the New Zealand War Records Section in London.[14]

105mm lFH ‘98/09 howitzers captured by the Canterbury Regiment.

In June 1918, Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson wrote to Lieutenant-General Godley about the possibility of appointing an official war artist to the New Zealand Division. Canada and Australia both had a number of artists in the field, and had ‘realised large profits from the exhibition and sale of reproductions of their work, in addition to which the have gained considerable advertisement for their respective countries…’ Richardson was anxious to follow their example, otherwise New Zealand would be in an unfavourable position, compared with other Dominions, to establish a war museum after the war. He therefore proposed the formation of the ‘N.Z.E.F. War Museum Committee’ with the power to form a New Zealand War Museum, appoint war artists and establish an exhibition in London to raise funds to defray ‘expenses in connection with the War Records Department’ and to subsequently fund the proposed New Zealand War Museum.[15] Both Godley and Prime Minister Massey approved the idea, and the first meeting of the committee was held in London in July 1918, with nine administrative officers from the N.Z.E.F. and the New Zealand High Commissioner and his secretary in attendance.[16] The objectives of the committee were defined according to Richardson’s proposal, with the exception that it was suggested that War Museums, rather than a single museum, be established.[17]

Following on from the New Zealand Division’s decision to establish one or more war museums in New Zealand, the War Records Section appointed Captain G. L. McClure of the Otago Infantry Regiment as New Zealand’s War Trophy Officer in France, directly responsible to the Officer in Charge of the War Records Section, Captain R. F. Gambrill.

Captain McClure was enthusiastic about the task before him, which was ‘to worm all over the country so as to get a real[l]y representative collection’, and he was anxious to obtain a motor vehicle so that he could collect those trophies not dealt with by the War Trophies Committee.[18] Evidently the Australians and Canadians were already well advanced with their own collections, but the problem with providing a suitable vehicle for McClure was, as always, one of expense.[19] By September, McClure was becoming desperate because of his lack of transport, which meant that he had to wait until the Salvage Company brought the trophies back from the front line, and thereby losing ‘quite a lot of valuable material’.[20] The Assistant Adjutant and Quarter-Master General, Lieutenant-Colonel H. E. Avery, could not see that such expenditure was justified, as McClure was only dealing with small items, but General Richardson hoped to gain a small selection of trophies to display in his office in London.[21] While Richardson soon abandoned this idea, a suitable vehicle was still being actively sought in October 1918 and it would eventually have been delivered had the war not ended and McClure returned to England.[22]

Ironically, while the New Zealand Division was voicing complaints about a lack of trophies, the War Trophies Committee was facing a severe over-supply. In November 1917 an attempt was made to clear some of the trophies from Croydon by asking the various Dominions to remove their respective trophies as soon as possible.[23] Delays prevented the N.Z.E.F. from removing its trophies until January 1918, when it shipped a selection of machine guns and field guns back to New Zealand.[24] By July 1918, the depot at Croydon remained crowded, and after representations were made by Dominion representatives, the Imperial Authorities decided that the prior claim of the National War Museum to all trophies would not be pressed. Provided that the Dominions’ claims were substantiated and the trophies were not serviceable, the weapons would be handed over to the claimants. Any distribution of unclaimed trophies was to be left until the end of the war, to be decided by the War Trophies Committee which now replaced both the National Museum Committee and the [British] Army Ordnance Department to become the sole body dealing with trophies.[25]

Defence Headquarters in Wellington was obviously unaware of this decision, as Major-General Robin wrote to Allen in October 1918 complaining that ‘the country from which the troops came who captured the trophies, would have second choice’, to which Allen added ‘Why should [the] Imperial Government[ernmen]t have first claim?’[26] General Robin pointed out to Allen that duplicates would be available if the Imperial Authorities claimed any Dominion trophies, but Allen was obviously dissatisfied and wrote to Brigadier-General Richardson, and the Earl of Liverpool, stating that New Zealand wished to have first claim to all trophies captured by New Zealand Forces.[27] The Minister of Internal Affairs had to placate Allen, informing him of the new policy arrived at the War Office in London concerning Dominion trophies.[28]

If Defence Headquarters in Wellington was ill-informed about developments in London, then the Headquarters of the New Zealand Mounted Rifles (N.Z.M.R.) Brigade in Cairo, under Lieutenant-Colonel D. A. Chaytor, was even less aware of the pronouncements of either the Imperial or New Zealand Authorities in London. The N.Z.M.R. Brigade had been active in Sinai and Palestine, and had captured a number of German-made machine guns, mortars and field guns from Turkish troops in Gaza, at Amman and elsewhere. There were considerable problems in claiming these as trophies, however, because they were generally marked in Turkish (which few – if any – New Zealanders could read) and even those marked in German proved to be a challenge. In addition, the vast distances involved in the Middle East Campaigns precluded any organised collection of captured enemy weapons by ordnance personnel. The New Zealand mounted riflemen were not reluctant to put the weapons to good use if the necessity arose, as at Gaza on 26 March 1917, when a 75 mm Modell 1903 Krupp field gun was turned on some Turkish snipers in a nearby house.

The gun was manned by some mounted riflemen, ‘probably not in conformity with gunnery regulations, but with splendid results’, and after three shots had been fired ‘twenty terrified Turks covered with debris’ ran from the house and surrendered.[29] A system of collecting trophies was implemented by the British Forces, but it was extremely difficult to keep track of weapons which, in Allied eyes, had no intelligible serial numbers. When, in 1918, news finally reached N.Z.M.R. Brigade Headquarters in Cairo of the Imperial Authorities’ intention to ‘give facilities to Colonial Formations for the collection and shipment to the Dominions of such trophies and other articles of interest as may be acceptable to Dominion Governments for War Museums’, Captain A. T. Rhodes, the Deputy Assistant Adjutant General (D.A.A.G.) to the N.Z.E.F. in Egypt was appointed as the War Trophies representative for the N..Z.M.R. Brigade.[30]

As with Captain Gambrill in London, Captain Rhodes went about his task enthusiastically, and as soon as he was appointed asked that the full details of any ‘trophies of interest’ be sent in immediately after their capture.[31] The two field guns captured at Gaza had gone missing, and Rhodes was dissatisfied with the Chief Ordnance Officer of the Egyptian Expeditionary Force’s proposal that alternative field guns be allocated.[32] New Zealand expected to receive her own trophies, otherwise Rhodes could not see why the Wellington Mounted Rifles Regiment ‘should not have all guns all over the world labelled “Captured at Gaza"?’.[33] To avoid any further losses, stencils were issued to the Mounted Rifles Regiments in order that any captured items to be claimed as trophies could be marked accordingly.[34] This was contrary to the established collection system for trophies operating on the Western Front, whereby no trophies were to be marked until such time as the claims had been verified by the War Trophies Committee. However, the committee’s control did not appear to extend to Cairo, and Rhodes soon realised that with ‘quiet handling’ of the Commanding Officer of the (British) Ordnance Store at Alexandria, and ‘small “backsheesh"?’ to those in charge of the trophies, the New Zealanders could get exactly what they wanted.[35] Bulk was the over-riding consideration for Rhodes, and it appeared that he now had the chance of obtaining as much material as he desired, so that the activities of the N.Z.M.R. Brigade would not be poorly represented in the New Zealand War Museum.[36] He was assisted in his efforts by Major Beckles-Willson, the Inspector of War Trophies for the Egyptian Expeditionary Force. Rhodes, and his assistant, Second Lieutenant J. C. Self of the Auckland Mounted Rifles Regiment, who joined him in October 1918, were both on excellent terms with Beckles-Willson, who agreed that ‘the existing regulations are not much use in transferring museum material.’[37]

This close alliance with Major Beckles-Willson was especially useful to the N.Z.M.R. Brigade, as by November 1918 ‘the competition for trophies among every unit that has been on the front is growing every day’. Beckles-Willson was prepared to authorise Lieutenant Self to act as his ‘Assistant Director of War Trophies’ so that he could gather what he could for the New Zealand War Museum. This opportunity had not been offered to the Australians, who were trying to obtain trophies to which they were not entitled, causing Beckles-Willson ‘a great deal of trouble’. Self was confident that he could collect a quantity of items ‘that will all make history in years to come’ and thus give New Zealand a much better collection than the Australians. Such a collection could then be exhibited in New Zealand with the proceeds going to disabled soldiers’ funds.[38] As with the proposed display by the New Zealand Division in London, the N.Z.M.R. Brigade had mounted a display in the Alexandria War Museum to illustrate the Brigade’s achievements to visiting dignitaries, local inhabitants, and Allied troops alike. Self was anxious to add to this collection, and then return it to New Zealand intact, so that the public could see for themselves the achievements of their ‘Boys’ in the Middle East.[39]

The New Zealand public was, of course, ignorant of the complicated decisions being made in Wellington and elsewhere regarding war trophies. While the War Trophies Officers in France and Alexandria still believed that a National War Museum would be formed in Wellington on the British model, the various cities and towns within the Dominion wanted to see their respective museums get as many trophies as possible. The Imperial Authorities’ unexpected allocation of Divisional trophies in November 1917 sparked-off a new wave of applications to James Allen from local councils wanting suitable weapons for display. The first local authority to contact Allen was the Gore Borough Council in November 1917, when it was announced in the newspapers that trophies were being shipped back to New Zealand. The Town Clerk, Mr Young, requested a share of the trophies for Gore, with the assurance that ‘any war relic would be treasured by the people of Gore and housed in a manner fitting to preserve it.’[40] Major-General Robin replied on Allen’s behalf, informing Mr Young of the allocation system instituted by the Imperial Authorities, and assuring him that when any trophies were finally awarded to New Zealand, then Gore’s application would not be overlooked.[41]

The issue did not rest there, however, and on 18 January 1918 a deputation from the Canterbury College interviewed the Minister of Internal Affairs, G. W. Russell, in Christchurch. The deputation realised that a national collection of trophies would be housed in the capital, but ‘the great majority of the Canterbury people would be unable to visit the central museum at Wellington, and for this reason they urged that trophies of local interest should be centred on Christchurch.’ It was hoped that duplicates of uniforms, arms, badges and similar items would be available to the Provincial Museums, but in reply Russell could only state that ‘the Imperial Government had taken the matter [of trophies] into their own hands’ and ‘that articles of this kind would be divided after the war’. He promised to contact Allen and ‘ask that in every case the claims of the Provincial Museums, as well as of the National Collection, should be considered.’[42] Allen responded to Russell’s report of the meeting by stating that it was impossible to make any allocations of trophies to Provincial museums as yet, but that he fully agreed to the principle that ‘as far as possible, local museums should be given trophies captured by the unit raised locally.’[43]

In March 1918, Dr J. A. Thomson of the Dominion Museum wrote to Defence Headquarters in Wellington in an attempt to have a definitive policy statement issued regarding the distribution of trophies within New Zealand. He realised that there would be local objections to the establishment of a National War Museum in Wellington, but hoped to placate the directors of Provincial Museums by retaining ‘all objects of distinctly national interest’ in the National War Museum, while providing ‘as varied as possible a series of trophies which are not distinctly national in their interest; for the museums in other major towns. To accommodate the museums in Auckland, Christchurch, Dunedin, Wanganui, New Plymouth, Palmerston North, Nelson and Invercargill, Dr Thomson suggested that at least eight duplicates of each class of trophy should be collected. He also foresaw that there would be a particular demand from Municipalities ‘for large trophies such as guns which may be placed in parks.’ Since such applications would be backed by local Members of Parliament, and thus have ‘considerable force’, he advised that it would be ‘well to anticipate these [demands] as far as possible by obtaining suitable trophies.’[44] The Assistant Military Secretary replied to Dr Thomson, thanking him for his interest and informing him of the trophies which had recently arrived from England.[45] When Brigadier-General Richardson’s ‘Report Number 24’ to Lieutenant-General Godley arrived in Wellington in May 1918, it highlighted the poor state of the war trophies collection when ‘compared to the Australian and Canadian collections’.[46] Major-General Robin appended a note to the report, asking if Prime Minister Massey could help in this matter while in England.[47] General Godley then wrote to Allen suggesting that ‘certain material should be obtained for the National War Museum’, and Allen passed the matter back to the Minister of Internal Affairs, asking if he was ‘prepared to sanction any expenditure and if so to what extent?’[48]

While the Defence Department demonstrated a continued lack of interest in any plans for a national war museum, the Internal Affairs Department had no conception of what the costs would be of obtaining eight examples of each type of trophy and then shipping them all back to New Zealand. Meanwhile an unsatisfied ‘craving’ for trophies was spreading throughout provincial New Zealand. The newspapers reported the arrival of a small shipment of trophies from England – the same weapons which had been very willingly released from the depot in Croydon – and other towns followed Gore’s example and applied to Allen for trophies. A list of ‘Applications for War Trophies’ had been drawn up at Defence Headquarters in Wellington, and separate files opened for each town or district which had made application after February 1917.[49] However, the list of towns to which trophies from the recent shipment were allocated between June and August 1918 demonstrated that only the larger towns, or those which had applied for specific trophies captured by troops from their own area, received any enemy weaponry. The largest, most varied selection went to the Dominion Museum, while the Provincial museums received nothing.[50]

The Gore Borough Council was dissatisfied with General Robin’s assurances of December 1917, dismayed by newspaper reports that trophies were being issued, and fearful that it ‘may have been for the moment, overlooked.’[51] Robin replied once more, with what would become the definitive Government policy regarding the distribution of trophies within New Zealand. It was decided that ‘all war trophies captured by the Infantry on the Western Front are [to be] distributed between the towns in which the Headquarters of each Regiment is situate [sic]. War trophies captured on the Eastern Front [the Middle East] are [to be] dealt with in a similar manner.’[52] The Gore Borough Council did not react at all well to this statement, and the Town Clerk wrote to Mr G. J. Anderson, the local Member of Parliament, complaining that the Defence Department policy regarding the distribution of trophies was not sound. Milton was the Headquarters of the 14th (South Otago) Company of the Otago Infantry Regiment, in which Gore men were serving, but Gore had contributed more men to the war.[53] Anderson put Gore’s case to Allen, stating that it was the centre of a closely settled district which had ‘done much more in patriotic work in the aggregate’, and visiting farmers would ‘naturally expect that any trophies which are available will be on view in their market town.’[54] Allen replied that the Defence Department’s policy was in line with similar policies followed in other parts of the Empire. Milton was the Regimental Headquarters for the region because of ‘considerations other than those of size and population’, and no-one had previously objected to this state of affairs. If the council wished to arrange for the transfer of trophies from Milton to Gore, there would be no objection from Wellington.[55]

James Anderson’s response to Allen’s letter was applauded by the local newspaper in Gore, The Ensign, as being ‘very much to the point.’[56] The Army’s argument was hollow, and precedents elsewhere in Europe ought to ‘give way to common sense and fair-play in this democratic age.’ If the distribution of trophies was to ‘stir up patriotic feeling in the population’, then the fairest way seemed, to Anderson, to be ‘to apportion them to each of the centres, in accordance to the number of enlistments enrolled at each town, as the centre of the surrounding country,’ for ‘the people will never stand for a plan such as you [Allen] propose.’ Anderson felt satisfied that Allen’s ‘sense of fairness’ would allow for every borough in the Dominion to receive ‘its fair share of the war trophies captured by our brave soldiers, patriotism will be stirred up in the breasts of the rising generation all over the country, and the people as a whole will be satisfied…’[57] General Robin maintained that the existing distribution plan was still ‘the most equitable method’, and felt that any further distribution should be left to the Regimental Headquarters so that the Regiments themselves could ‘have a say in the detailed distribution of the trophies falling to their lot.’[58] Anderson did not believe that such a decision should be left to the Regimental Headquarters, and felt that the best way to ensure a fair distribution amongst the Dominion’s rural centres would be with a policy initiated by Central Government under Allen’s authority, thereby avoiding ‘no end of trouble.’[59]

As with the proposed war museums, Defence Headquarters in Wellington wanted to avoid responsibility for, or involvement in, any future distribution of captured weaponry, thus avoiding unnecessary expenditure. General Robin sent a memorandum to the Headquarters of the four Military Districts – Auckland, Wellington, Canterbury and Otago – outlining the procedure to be followed regarding the allocation and distribution of trophies. Any war trophies allocated to the Regimental Headquarters were to be shared amongst the ‘important towns in that area’. In order to achieve a satisfactory distribution of trophies, the Commanders of the Military Districts were to ask the Mayors of the Regimental Headquarters towns, in conjunction with the Mayors of other provincial towns, to form committees to allocate the trophies on a basis that would ensure an equitable distribution of weaponry throughout the areas concerned.[60] Allen sent this memorandum to James Anderson in the hope that the latter would be satisfied with this compromise.[61] Neither Anderson nor the Gore Borough Council accepted the policy, and Anderson could not believe that the Committee of Mayors could work satisfactorily.[62] Nevertheless, Gore’s representations to Allen had served to alter the Defence Department’s policy sufficiently to allow for the recognition of the importance of rural towns and their right to receive some enemy weaponry so that ‘children would be able to look upon some of the trophies which their fathers had taken from the Germans.’[63] Allen could not accept any further departure from the amended distribution system, adopted ‘only after mature consideration of all the circumstances’. Since no other complaints had been received, the matter was, as far as he was concerned, closed.[64] He gave a similar reply to the Chancellor of the University of Otago, who had asked for ‘a fair share of the spoils of war’ such as ‘the guns and other objects taken by the Otago Regiments, and any other trophies you could spare for this part of the Dominion’.[65]

The debate concerning the ‘equitable distribution’ of trophies throughout the Dominion was, of course, still largely academic in 1918. Only a small number of captured enemy war material had arrived back in the country, to be exhibited with pride as part of the patriotic mood which had swept through New Zealand in August 1914, and which remained high despite the ‘conscription crisis’ in 1916.[66] The rival claims of the Dominion and Provincial Museums, and Regimental Headquarters and rural towns to trophies received an equally unenthusiastic response from Defence Headquarters. For the issue to gain national importance required the arrival of all of the N.Z.E.F.’s trophies in New Zealand, and until such war trophies were released by the Imperial Authorities following the end of hostilities, the Military Authorities in Wellington could justifiably ignore the growing clamour for trophies – there were simply no trophies to distribute. When the guns all along the Western Front fell silent at 11 o’clock in the morning of 11 November 1918, as the Armistice between the Allies and Germany came into effect, the impending issue of trophies to New Zealand suddenly became a reality.





References:
1. Major-General A. W. Robin, Wellington, to Colonel Gibbon, Chief of General Staff, Wellington, 17 September 1917, in AD1 19/41.
2. J. Allen, Wellington, telegrams to: N.Z.E.F. Headquarters, London; Lieutenant-General A .J. Godley, London; Major-General E .W .C. Chaytor, Cairo, 20 September 1917, all in ibid.
3. J. Allen (for Prime Minister W .F. Massey), Wellington to the Governor-General of New Zealand, 21 September 1917, in ibid.
4. G. W. Russell, Wellington to J. Allen, Wellington, 10 October 1917, in ibid.
5. Dr J .A. Thompson, Dominion Museum, Wellington to G. W. Russell, Wellington, 24 August 1917, in ibid.
6. Major-General A. W. Robin, Wellington to J. Allen, Wellington, 20 September 1917, in ibid.
7. Prime Minister W .F. Massey, Wellington, to the Governor-General of New Zealand, 5 October 1917, in ibid.
8. ‘A.I.F. Order Number 842’, 7 September 1917, Section 2 (ii), in WA1 War Records Section [2] [record group] (17625) WA1 10/6/15 ‘War Trophies, General File, 1918’ (hereafter WA1 10/6/15) held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
9. Lieutenant-General A. J. Godley, London, ‘N.Z.E.F. Orders’ of 31 October 1917, in AD1 19/41.
10. Major-General A. H. Russell, France, to N.Z.E.F. Headquarters, London, 30 October 1917, in ibid.
11. Lieutenant-Colonel H. E. Avery, London to Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson, London, 25 September 1918, in WA1 War Records Section [2] [record group] (17625) WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/15 ‘Car for section representative in France, 1918 – 1919’, (hereafter WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/15); J. Hammerton, (editor) World war 1914-1918, A Pictorial History, A Pictured History, London, 1934 – 1935, Volume II, Photograph showing Allied Salvage Dumps, pp. 1002-3; ibid, Volume I, photographs showing an Allied Dump in France, pp. 460, 771; G. W. L. Nicholson, Official History of the Canadian Army in the First World War, Canadian Expeditionary Force 1914 – 1919, Ottawa, 1962, photograph showing a vast array of weapons captured by the Canadians at Cambrai, pp. 370-1.
12. Hammerton, World War 1914-1918, Volume II, photograph showing a German 21 cm Mörser captured by Canadians at Vimy being tested, p. 886. Captain N .J. Levien, Ordnance Officer, N.Z.E.F. in U.K., ‘Report on the War Trophies Committee at the War Office’, 21 September 1917, in WA1 War Records Section [2] [record group] (17625) WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/8 Part 1 ‘Imperial War Trophies Committee, Agenda and Minutes 1917 – (hereafter WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/8 Part 1), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
13.Photographs showing New Zealanders using captured German machine guns at Puisieux-au-Mont (21 August 1918), Lampaignes (31 October 1918) and Beaudignes (3 November 1918), in Photographic Series 350, World War One, Armaments, negative numbers 13511½, 13675½, 13668½, held at the Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington. Photograph, with caption ‘German 4.2 guns are in action against the enemy themselves’, in Photographic Series 350, World War One, Armaments, negative number 13494½, held at the ATL, Wellington; Stewart, New Zealand Division, photographs facing pp. 349, 481.
14. Major-General A. W. Robin, Wellington, to N.Z.E.F. Headquarters, London, 30 October 1918, in ACID 17590 WA1 1/3/13 4/1 ‘Trophies and historical material - Museum, War, N.Z.E.F., England, establishment of March 1918 – May 1920’ (R21969368) (hereafter WA1 1/3/13 4/1), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
15. Brigadier-General G.S. Richardson, London to Lieutenant-General A.J. Godley, France, 24 June 1918, in WA1 War Records Section [2] [record group] (17625) WA1 10/1/4 ZWR 7/1 ‘Establishment and Organisation of N.Z. War Museum, 1918 – 1919’ (hereafter WA1 10/1/4 ZWR 7/1) held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
16. Note appended by Lieutenant-General A. J. Godley, 25 June 1918 and note appended by W. F. Massey, 28 June 1918, to Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson, London, to Lieutenant-General A. J. Godley, France, 24 June 1918, in ibid.
17. ‘New Zealand War Museums Committee, Minutes of inaugural meeting at New Zealand High Commissioner’s Office, London, 15 July 1918’, in ibid..
18. Captain G .L. McClure, attached 22 Corps Headquarters, B.E.F., France, to Captain R .F. Gambrill, London, 7 May 1918, in WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/15; ‘Minutes of War Trophies Committee, 8th Meeting, 17 January 1918’, in WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/8 Part 1.
19. Major L. G. D. Acland, D.A.A.G, N.Z.E.F., to Brigadier-General G .S. Richardson, London, 6 May 1918; Captain R.F. Gambrill, London to Captain G.L. McClure, France, 13 June 1918, both in WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/15.
20. Captain G. L. McClure, France to Captain R .F. Gambrill, London, 2 September 1918, in ibid.
21.Lieutenant-Colonel H. E. Avery, A.A. and Q.M.G., London, to Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson, London, 25 September 1918, in ibid; Captain R. F. Gambrill, London, to Captain G.L. McClure, France, 18 June 1918, in WA1 War Records Section [2] [record group] (17625) WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/16 ‘Collection of trophies for display in room of G.O.C. [Administration], 1918’ (hereafter WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/16), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
22. Captain G. L. McClure, France to Captain R.F. Gambrill, London, 23 October 1917; Major H .H. S. Westmacott, Officer in Charge, War Records, London to Headquarters, New Zealand Division, B.E.F., France, 13 January 1919, both in WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/15.
23. N.Z.E.F. Headquarters, London, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 9 November 1917, in AD1 19/41; H. C. Perrott, War Office, London to Captain N .J. Levien, O.O., N.Z.E.F. in U.K., 22 February 1918, in WA1 War Records Section [2] [record group] (17625) WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/11 ‘Imperial Trophies Committee’s instructions in handing over War Trophies to Dominions, 1918’ (hereafter WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/11), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
24. Captain N. J. Levien, O.O., N.Z.E.F. in U.K. to Ordnance Officer, Croydon, 5 January 1918, in WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/8, Part 1.
25. W.H. Long, Downing Street, London to Governor-General of New Zealand, 10 July 1918, AD 19/41.
26. Major-General A. W. Robin, Wellington to J. Allen, Wellington, 26 October 1918, and note appended by J. Allen, 11 November 1918, in AD1 19/41.
27. Major-General A. W. Robin, Wellington to J. Allen, Wellington, 22 November 1918; J. Allen, Wellington to Brigadier-General G.S. Richardson, London, 26 November 1918; J. Allen, Wellington to the Governor-General of New Zealand, 27 November 1918; J. Allen, Wellington to the Governor-General of New Zealand, 4 December 1918, all in AD1 19/41.
28. G. P. Newton, Department of Internal Affairs, Wellington to G. W. Russell, Minister of Internal Affairs, Wellington, 8 November 1918, passed on to J. Allen, Wellington, 25 November 1918. Typewritten copy in ibid.
29. C.G. Powles, Official History of New Zealand’s Effort in the Great War, Volume III, The New Zealanders in Sinai and Palestine, Wellington, 1922, pp. 92-3.
30. Chief of General Staff, E.E.F. to Major-General E .W. C. Chaytor, General Officer Commanding, N.Z.E.F. in Egypt, Cairo, 27 May 1918; Captain A.T. Rhodes, Cairo to the Adjutant, N.Z.E.F. in Egypt, Cairo, 10 July 1918, both in ACID 17590 WA1 1/1/3/5 XFE.734 ‘New Zealand Expeditionary Force (Egypt) - Collection and Preservation of Trophies for N.Z. at end of War’ (R21967869) (hereafter WA1 1/1/3/5 XFE.734), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
31. Captain A. T. Rhodes, Cairo to Major-General E. W. C. Chaytor, Cairo, 10 July 1918, WA1 2/1, DAAG ENZ 90/60.
32. Lieutenant-Colonel D. A. Chaytor, Commanding Officer, Headquarters, N.Z.E.F. in Egypt, Cairo to Captain A. T. Rhodes, Cairo, 13 July 1918, in ibid; Chief Ordnance Officer (C.O.O.), E.E.F. to Headquarters, N.Z.E.F. in Egypt, Cairo, 1 September 1918, in WA1 1/1/3/5 XFE.734.
33. Captain A. T. Rhodes, Cairo to the Adjutant, Headquarters, N.Z.E.F. in Egypt, Cairo, 8 September 1918,in WA1 1/1/3/5 XFE.734.
34. Lieutenant-Colonel D. A. Chaytor, Cairo to Chief Ordnance Officer, E.E.F., 12 September 1918, in ibid.
35.Captain A. T. Rhodes, Cairo to the Adjutant, Headquarters, N.Z.E.F. in Egypt, Cairo, 17 September 1918, in ibid.
36. Captain A. T. Rhodes, ‘Notice to all N.Z. Units in N.Z.M.R. Brigade concerning the War Trophies Museum, New Zealand’, 6 September 1918, in ibid.
37.Major Beckles-Willson, Alexandria to Captain A. T. Rhodes, Cairo, 15 August 1918, WA1 2/1 DAAG ENZ 90/60.
38.Second Lieutenant J. C. Self to Captain A. T. Rhodes, Cairo (undated but circa October/November 1918), in ibid.
39. Second Lieutenant J. C. Self to Major Beckles-Willson, Alexandria, 11 August 1918; Second Lieutenant J. C. Self to Lieutenant-Colonel D. A. Chaytor, Cairo, 12 November 1918, both in WA1 1/1/3/5 XFE.734.
40.Mr Young, Town Clerk, Gore to J. Allen, Wellington, 23 November 1917, in AAYS 8368 AD1 763 19/41/11 ‘Competitions and Trophies - Gore Borough Council, Trophies from the Front, application for, 1917 – 1919’ (R22430293) (hereafter AD1 763 19/41/11), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
41. Major-General A. W. Robin, Wellington to Mr Young, Town Clerk, Gore, 10 December 1917, in ibid.
42. ‘Report of a Deputation from the Canterbury College Board of Governors which waited upon the Hon. G. W. Russell in Christchurch on the 18th January 1918’ (typewritten copy), AD1 762 19/41.
43.J. Allen, Wellington, to G. W. Russell, Wellington, 6 February 1918, in ibid.
44. Dr J. A. Thomson, Dominion Museum, Wellington to Captain D. Bryan, Assistant Military Secretary, Defence Department, Wellington, 11 March 1918, in AAYS 8368 AD1 763 19/45/4 ‘Competitions and Trophies - War Records Section, N.Z.E.F., London, 1918 – 1919’ (R22430306) (hereafter AD 763 19/45/4), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
45. Captain D. Bryan, Wellington to Dr J. A. Thomson, Wellington, 13 April 1918, in ibid.
46. Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson, London, ‘Report Number 25 to General Officer – Commanding N.Z.E.F. Abroad’, 26 February 1918, in ibid.
47.Note appended by Major-General A. W. Robin, Wellington, 22 May 1918 to Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson, London, ‘Report Number 25 to General Officer – Commanding N.Z.E.F. Abroad’, 26 February 1918, in ibid.
48. J. Allen, Wellington to G. W. Russell, Wellington, (?) June 1918, in ibid.
49. ‘Applications for War Trophies’ (undated), in AAYS 8368 AD1 762 19/41/3 Part 1 ‘Competitions and Trophies - Trophies, War, Allocation and Distribution of, 1922 – 1945’ (R22430288) (hereafter AD1 762 19/41/3 Part I), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
50.‘List of Issues of War Trophies’ (undated), in Internal Affairs Series One (hereafter IA1) ACGO 8333 IA1 1652 29/119/7 ‘War - War Trophies, Distribution to Schools’ (R12333429) (hereafter IA1 1652 29/119/7), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
51. Mr MacPherson (for the Town Clerk), Gore to Major-General A. W. Robin, Wellington, 8 July 1918, in AD1 763 19/41/11.
52.Major-General A. W. Robin, Wellington to the Town Clerk, Gore, 16 July 1918, in ibid.
53. Mr Young, Town Clerk, Gore, to Mr G. J. Anderson, Member of Parliament, Gore, 13 August 1918, in ibid.
54. G. J. Anderson, Gore, to J. Allen, Wellington, 17 August 1918, in ibid.
55.J. Allen, Wellington, to G. J. Anderson, Gore, 2 September 1918, in ibid.
56. The Ensign, Editorial, 18 September 1918, in ibid.
57. G. J. Anderson, Gore, to J. Allen, Wellington, 7 September 1918, AD1 763 19/41/11.
58. Major-General A. W. Robin, Wellington, to J. Allen, Wellington, 30 September 1918, in ibid
59. G. J. Anderson, Gore, to J. Allen, Wellington, 14 October 1918, in ibid.
60. Major-General A. W. Robin, Wellington, ‘Memorandum for all Military Districts, re War Trophies’, 26 October 1918, in ibid.
61. J. Allen, Wellington to G. J. Anderson, Gore, 30 October 1918, in ibid.
62.Mr Young, Town Clerk, Gore, to G. J. Anderson, Wellington, 6 December 1918; G. J. Anderson, Wellington to J. Allen, Wellington, 9 December 1918, both in ibid.
63. Sir William Fraser, Minister of Public Works, Wellington, to J. Allen, Wellington, 17 January 1918, in ibid.
64. J. Allen, Wellington to G .J. Anderson, Wellington, (?) December 1918, in ibid.
65. Rev A. Cameron, Chancellor, Otago University, Dunedin, to G. W. Russell, Wellington, 24 September 1918, in AD1 763 19/41/4.
66.B. Gustafson, Labour’s Path To Political Independence, The Origins and Establishment of the New Zealand Labour Party 1900 – 1919, Auckland, pp. 110-19.

Chapter 3: Allocation

By November 1918, New Zealand had contributed 117,175 men and women to the Allied war effort. A total of 59,987 of the N.Z.E.F. became casualties, 18,166 of whom died.[1] The percentage of New Zealand’s European male population which embarked on active service was 19.35, compared with Canada’s 13.48 percent and Australia’s 13.43 percent of their respective European male populations. In return for New Zealand’s sacrifice, 5,421 honours and awards were bestowed on her sons in appreciation of the ‘Diggers’ wonderful performance by grateful Allies.’[2] The New Zealand Division in France earned a reputation for ‘a highly developed sense of ésprit de corps’, ‘ready initiative’ and ‘earnest concentration’, to the extent that a German Intelligence Report captured at Héburterne noted the Division’s ‘very strongly developed individual self-confidence or enterprise, characteristic of the colonial British, and a specially pronounced hatred of the Germans. The Division prides itself on taking few prisoners.’[3] The farewell letter from General Harper, Commander of the British IV Army Corps, of which the New Zealand Division was a component, emphasised the New Zealanders’ ‘magnificent fighting qualities’. To make his point, Harper listed the Division’s various engagements, together with its tally of trophies as an example of its ‘continuous successes’ – ‘287 officers and 8,745 other ranks, 145 guns, 1,419 machine guns and 3 tanks, besides much other material.’[4]

Praise for the New Zealand Mounted Rifles Brigade in the Middle East was much less extravagant. While the Brigade has seen extensive action in Egypt, the Sinai and Palestine since 1916, its involvement in the ‘Surafend Affair’ in December 1918 went a long way to destroy its excellent standing with General E. H. H. Allenby, General Officer Commanding the Egyptian Expeditionary Force. Following the murder of a New Zealand trooper by an Arab thief, a large group of Australians and New Zealanders proceeded to destroy the village of Surafend, near Jaffa, to avenge the murder and find the thief. A number of villagers were killed, and in the aftermath Allenby berated the entire Anzac Mounted Division as ‘a lot of cowards and murderers!’ He never forgave the incident, which was reflected in the lack of any gallantry or foreign awards to the Brigade.[5]

In November 1918, the New Zealand Division marched into Germany and camped in the Ruhr area to guard against any civilian or military uprising by the Germans. Demobilisation soon began, and by 25 March 1919 the Division’s three-year history came to an end as the last units were disbanded.[6] Demobilisation did not, however, signal the end of the War Records Section of the N.Z.E.F. in London. The Armistice with Germany specified that 5,000 guns (2,500 heavy, 2,500 field); 25,000 machine guns, 3,000 trench mortars and 1,700 fighting and bombing aeroplanes were to be surrendered to the Allied and United States forces.[7] The War Trophies Committee was still meeting in London, the Dominions were still asking for trophies, and the depot at Croydon was already over-crowded with enemy weaponry, so that it was clear to the War Records Section that a further distribution of trophies would occur.[8] In the meantime, Defence Headquarters in Wellington advised Brigadier-General Richardson in London that the New Zealand Government wanted all trophies captured by New Zealand soldiers to be sent back to New Zealand.[9] Enquiries in London revealed that these weapons could be carried free to charge back to New Zealand, as ballast on returning troopships, thereby avoiding crippling freight costs.[10]

As part of the Victory Celebrations in London, a display of captured weapons was mounted in Pall Mall to which New Zealand contributed several German field guns. Major (formerly Captain) R. F. Gambrill, in charge of the War Records Section, feared that these trophies could be ‘damaged or destroyed’, and asked the War Trophies Committee to protect them from harm.[11] At the end of the celebrations, the guns – which had withstood the devastation on the Western Front – were handed over to the War Records Section, quite undamaged, although dozens of other trophy guns had been burned beside Nelson’s Column in Trafalgar Square.[12]

On 14 November 1918, Lieutenant-Colonel A. Leetham, the Secretary and Curator of the Royal United Services Institution, read a paper on ‘Provincial Museums and War Trophies’ to a gathering in the House of Commons. Given the New Zealand Government’s problems with the Dominion and Regional Museums, Leetham’s suggestions were of some importance to New Zealand’s position regarding trophies. He explained that no general distribution of trophies could begin because of ‘the shortage of people we have at our depot [Croydon] to handle the material’, but assured his audience that there were ‘plenty of trophies to satisfy most people’ and that it was a ‘very urgent matter to find storage for them all.’ He advised local museums to contact the Commanding Officers of local units to obtain trophies captured by those units, and enumerated a selection of exhibits which he thought would be suitable for small museums. He also mentioned the War Trophies Committee, praising the work of the Secretary, Major H.G. Parkyn, in presenting the display of German ordnance in Pall Mall, and that of the Australian representative on the Committee, ‘a very active young officer… [who] has together a really valuable collection.’[13] On 19 November, the War Trophies Committee met once more, and discussed the question of allocating trophies. It was decided to send all unclaimed field and heavy guns to be stored at Croydon, pending their release to the appropriate authorities by the Committee.[14] Following Colonel Leetham’s speech, it was also decided that the Lords-Lieutenant of the Counties, Lord Provosts and Lord Mayors were to be contacted regarding their recommendations as to which cities, towns and villages should receive trophies.[15]

In December 1918, Major Gambrill returned to New Zealand, and was replaced by Major H H. S. Westmacott as the Officer in Charge of the War Records Section.

Westmacott was a veteran of the Gallipoli Campaign, and had lost an arm in France. He now took charge of the War Records Section and was immediately faced with the task of collecting trophies to be ‘distributed between the towns in which the Headquarters of the Territorial Units are situate[d]’ within New Zealand.[16] Westmacott strongly objected to this proposal. He pointed out that Defence Headquarters in Wellington had ‘no appreciation of the effort made here to provide material for a National War Museum’, and suggested that the material collected should be kept together rather than ‘scattered promiscuously over the country.’ He suggested that a War Trophies Committee be formed in Wellington, similar to that already operating in London, so that a National War Museum could be formed as a ‘memorial for all time of our achievement in the war’. He concluded that to let this opportunity slip would be ‘a thousand pities.’[17]

Prime Minister Massey had arrived in Paris to attend the Peace Conference at Versailles, and evidently took a personal interest in the question of war trophies. On 27 January 1919 he wrote to Brigadier-General Richardson requesting a captured German machine gun for himself, and a suitable M.G. '08/15 was selected by Captain McClure and despatched to Parliament Buildings, Wellington.[18] Massey had authorised the formation of a ‘War Museum or Museums for the Dominion’ in 1918.[19] However, the changing public attitudes towards and demands for trophies within New Zealand meant that Massey had to write to General Richardson once more on 31 January 1919, to explain that the New Zealand Government now needed a number of captured German field guns for ‘exhibition and memorial purposes’ within the Dominion.[20] Richardson replied that large numbers of trophies were already being shipped back to New Zealand, and hoped that a ‘really good Central National War Museum’ could be established with some of them. If the Government was to ‘distribute our trophies without considering this National Museum, I think it would be a very bad policy’, and the ‘outlying districts should [only] be provided with such trophies as can be spared…’[21] Richardson was on the point of transferring back to Wellington, where, as General Officer in Charge of Administration at Defence Headquarters, he would once again be faced with the question of an ‘equitable distribution’ of trophies within the country.[22]

General Richardson’s replacement of N.Z.E.F. Headquarters in London was Brigadier-General C. W. Melvill. Massey informed him that numerous applications were being received by the Government for ‘guns and war trophies captured by the New Zealand Division’ and warned that ‘unless we get our fair share of these guns and other trophies widespread dissatisfaction will be caused in the Dominion, Believe me…’[23] General Melvill assured Massey that trophies had been collected for the War Museum, and that claims had been lodged with the War Trophies Committee for captured field and machine guns. Any delays in shipping the weapons back to New Zealand had been due to strikes in England.[24] Those at N.Z.E.F. Headquarters in London evidently still believed that a National War Museum would be founded in Wellington, and Massey had said nothing to undermine this belief. In May 1919, however, Brigadier-General Melvill wrote to Defence Headquarters in Wellington, reiterating Major Westmacott’s proposal that a War Trophies Committee be formed in Wellington – especially since Brigadier-General Richardson had now arrived in New Zealand.[25] It was not until June 1919 that General Richardson replied to General Melvill, confirming that ‘all trophies captured by Units will be disposed to various localities throughout the Dominion, and not retained for a central National War Museum.’ Because of this decision, Richardson suggested that four specimens of every trophy be obtained (not eight specimens on each as Dr Thomson of the Dominion Museum had suggested), indicating that identical collections would be presented to the Auckland, Wellington, Christchurch and Dunedin museums.[26] Major Westmacott took the news badly, considering the policy ‘a most undesirable one’ because the National War Museum would suffer, and he was ‘not very sanguine’ about being able to obtain four specimens of every trophy, as many of the smaller and rarer items had already been looted from the Salvage Dumps in Europe.[27]

Whatever the situation regarding New Zealand’s National War Museum, the War Trophies Committee was happy to meet New Zealand’s requests for trophies if it could. The allocation of trophies in November 1917 had cleared some space in the depot at Croydon, but the large number of German weapons surrendered at the Armistice, and those now no longer required for use by Allied units, meant that Croydon was once more ‘in a very congested condition.’ The solution was to streamline what was an unnecessarily complicated system of issuing trophies from the depot, and to finalise a system to evenly distribute all unclaimed field guns amongst the English Counties, and Dominions and Colonies.[28] Major Westmacott suggested that this distribution be on a Divisional basis, such as fifty guns per 50,000 men, but his scheme required 3,000 more guns than were available.[29] Nevertheless, the War Trophies Committee was prepared to deal with New Zealand ‘on the basis of a division and a half’, which Westmacott considered to be very liberal of them.[30] The New Zealand Division’s own trophies were issued to the War Records Section as soon as the War Trophies Committee verified the claims, and were despatched to New Zealand on board troopships, free of charge. Where possible, catalogued history sheets were included with the weapons and a suitable inscription painted on the barrels or shields.[31] However, the Committee’s policy of issuing unclaimed weapons in lieu of claimed trophies which could not be found meant that many of the ‘trophies’ had no significance for New Zealand, as they had not been captured by New Zealand Troops.[32]

By August 1919, the A.I.F. Headquarters in London had been demobilised and shipped home.[33] The N.Z.E.F. Headquarters was now one of the few Dominion military administrations left in London, and was thus in an excellent position to receive a good selection of the continuing flow of trophies from Croydon. The main problem was that Defence Headquarters in Wellington was asking for trophies on behalf of an eager public which had little idea of what a war trophy actually looked like, while Major Westmacott’s Section was reluctantly trying to obtain four specimens of trophy for an undecided number of War Museums within New Zealand.[34] A firm direction was needed from the New Zealand Military Authorities, but Brigadier-General Richardson was in Wellington, preoccupied with demobilisation, and Major Westmacott fully expected his own section to be disbanded at any time.[35] Prime Minister Massey evidently believed that the quality and quantity of trophies arriving back in New Zealand was satisfactory, as he did not intervene again except to request a further six M.G. '08/15 machine guns, preferably marked with his name, as he had promised such guns to six New Zealand towns. Brigadier-General Melvill warned that this could make him very unpopular, but could otherwise see no reason to object to the request, which was duly complied with.[36] These weapons could certainly be spared, as a total of 1,231 German machine guns, together with 165 field guns, 81 trench mortars, 5,000 rifles, 3,070 steel helmets, anti-tank rifles and numerous sundry items had been, or were about to be, shipped back to Wellington.[37]

In September 1919, Major Westmacott was invalided home, while the War Records Section continued to operate under the command of his replacement, Captain A. H. Lewis.[38] By this time the War Trophies Committee was reaching the end of its task, and had distributed a total of 70,123 trophies of all descriptions.[39] In addition to these ‘official’ trophies, both the Admiralty and the Air Ministry offered suitable ‘war relics’ to New Zealand for the National War Museum. Captain Lewis was apparently unaware of the decisions made in Wellington which favoured regional war museums, and was anxious that the National War Museum should have ‘as large a collection of Naval Trophies as it is possible to get.’[40] Major Westmacott had already received a torpedo and a mine from the Admiralty, but Lewis was offered a further selection of items from German submarines surrendered at the Armistice, all of which he gladly accepted.[41] The Air Ministry courteously enquired if the needs of New Zealand’s National War Museum had been satisfied by the supply of Aerial Trophies, and a New Zealander with the Ministry of Munitions (Air Group), Major S. Blackley, was confirmed as New Zealand’s representative on the Air Commission in Berlin to select suitable enemy aircraft for the museum.[42] Major Blackley never made it to Berlin, for he instead returned to New Zealand where he promised to discuss the handling of the enemy aircraft with Sir James Allen, ‘with a view to giving any assistance which may be desired’.[43] Captain Lewis thanked him for his help, but also warned him that the recent requests for four specimens of each trophy ‘rather pointed to their wanting a Museum in each of the four centres. This is of course, absurd, but they do absurd things in New Zealand as you know.’[44]

Whatever Captain Lewis might have thought of his Government’s policies, he was still responsible for the collection of trophies, and by the end of 1919 a varied selection of items had been sent back to New Zealand. The shipping companies operating the troopships carried these trophies free of charge as Divisional equipment, until this arrangement ended in November 1919.[45] Smaller items such as machine guns, bundles of rifles, or packing cases filled with steel helmets, uniforms, and badges presented few problems as they could be easily stowed in the holds of the vessels. However, their ease of carriage also meant that they could be stolen, and Lewis feared that trophies ‘of great value’ could be ‘lost or mislaid.’[46] The larger trench mortars, field guns and howitzers could also be carried in the holds of the troopships, although shipping companies such as Shaw, Savill and Albion refused to accept any responsibility for the condition of these ‘Old Guns’ – even though most of them were only three or four years old!’ [47] Lewis had managed to obtain at least one example of each class of trophy, to the extent that he could begin to refuse items such as four unclaimed German anti-tank rifles without bolts.[48] He replied that if they could be disposed of in some other way he would appreciate it, as ‘there are some things of which we have nothing at all, but of Anti-tank rifles we have plenty’, although if it was ‘absolutely necessary that we should take them we shall do so.’[49] Fortunately the issue of these weapons was cancelled.[50]

A test of the New Zealand Government’s commitment to the principle of creating some form of museum (or museums) as a memorial to the N.Z.E.F., was the question of paying freight on the larger items obtained by Captain Lewis and his staff. A selection of German aircraft and associated equipment had finally been obtained for the museum, but in March 1920 it was decided not to ship the aircraft back to New Zealand because of the heavy shipping expenses involved.[51] In August 1918 the New Zealand Division had ‘captured’ two German A7V tanks, named ‘Hagen’ and ‘Schnuck’, near Bapaume. These vehicles were not known for their stability, and had bogged down and been abandoned by the Germans.[52]

‘Schnuck’, following its exhibition in Horse Guards Parade in London in 1918, was then allocated to the Imperial War Museum, while ‘Hagen’ was allocated to the N.Z.E.F., despite alternative claims from the Royal Artillery and Tank Corps.[53] ‘Hagen’ was then on public display in Regents Park in London, and the operation of towing it to the docks for loading onto a ship was difficult, and potentially very expensive if the roads were damaged in the process.[54]

Major-General Robin, in Wellington, noted that a vehicle of ‘between 30 and 50 tons dead weight’ was ‘a rather tall order for a trophy’, and Sir James Allen agreed to its shipment only if this could be accomplished freight-free by a returning transport.[55] When Captain Lewis pointed out that the ‘Hagen’ was a burnt-out shell, with all of the machinery removed, that a ‘very great haulage power would be required to move it’, and that it would be difficult to find a ship with large enough hatches to load it, it was decided to return it to the War Trophies Committee for disposal.[56] Australia, by contrast, had managed to ship back to Brisbane its own A7V tank, ‘Mephisto’, which is now the only surviving example of a World War One German tank in the world.[57]

On 11 March 1920, the War Trophies Committee met for the last time. During the meeting the Dominion representatives were asked ‘if they were satisfied with the distribution of trophies that had taken place. All replied in the affirmative.’ Captain Lewis expressed the New Zealand Government’s thanks to the Committee, and especially to Major H. G. Parkyn, the Secretary, ‘for all the help that had been given to them in dealing with trophies.’[58] The War Records Section had sent as many trophies as it could back to New Zealand, and it remained to be seen if these shipments fulfilled the New Zealand public’s expectations. One of the War Records Section’s last tasks was to present a captured German field gun to the Borough of Torquay, in commemoration of the New Zealand discharge (or evacuation) depot which had been stationed there to deal with those troops classed as being permanently unfit for further active service.[59] A similar gun had been presented to Walton-on-Thames in September 1919, site of the No.2 New Zealand General Hospital.[60] Now that the N.Z.E.F. had finally departed from England, two of those very weapons which had caused the horrific injuries treated at Walton and Torquay, were left behind as silent mementos of ‘the courage shown by the young men from the “colonies"?.’[61]

The collection of trophies from Egypt had proceeded in a somewhat different manner. Removed from the formal procedure of the verification of claims and allocation of trophies by the War Trophies Committee in London, Captain A. H. Rhodes and Lieutenant J. C. Self continued to collect whatever they could for the National War Museum. By 22 November 1918, Lieutenant Self had acquired a specimen of everything held at the Ordnance Depot in Alexandria, and was attempting to acquire a Turkish officer’s uniform – although this was problematic as the Turkish officers in the prison camps preferred to continue wearing their uniforms.[62] Major Beckles-Willson remained on good terms with the New Zealanders, and suggested that while Lieutenant Self was ‘well qualified to fill the post as New Zealand’s War Trophies representative,’ he should be promoted to at least the rank of First Lieutenant, as India had just appointed Lieutenant-Colonel Haldane as its representative.[63] Self was actually promoted two grades to become a Captain, while Captain Rhodes was invalided back to New Zealand. His replacement as Deputy Assistant Adjutant General was Captain K. L. Stewart.[64]

Major Beckles-Willson had also been invalided home, and his replacement, Major Greenwood was ‘just the reverse to Major Willson.’ Greenwood wanted to close the Alexandria War Museum down, and leave behind anything which could be replaced in England. Captain Self did not mind the change, as it gave him a better chance to complete the collection for the New Zealand War Museum.[65] He had managed to purchase a complete Turkish Major’s uniform for ₤5, but he began to meet with problems in obtaining those trophies claimed by the N.Z.M.R. Brigade, such as the two 75 mm Model 1903 Krupp field guns captured at Gaza.[66] Many of these weapons had apparently been lost.[67] These trophies were especially important for the Brigade, as weapons such as those captured at Gaza were often ‘the only material evidence to show that this battle was really a victory and not a defeat.’[68] By March 1919, Self was becoming desperate that the trophies captured by the Brigade should be handed over as soon as possible, since the rapid demobilisation of New Zealand troops in Egypt meant that if the guns were not ‘put aboard one of the transports returning to New Zealand the chances are we shall never be able to collect them.’[69]

Demobilisation did not occur until 30 June 1919, by which time Captain Self’s initial enthusiasm for the job had almost totally disappeared.[70] New Zealand trophies had been issued to the Australians, because, according to Self, the Imperial Authorities were ‘still under the impression that New Zealand is part of Australia.’ In addition, it appeared to Self that every other field gun in the British Ordnance Depot at Kantara was ‘branded either for “Australian War Memorial"? or “India War Memorial"?’, and New Zealand was thus receiving insufficient recognition (in terms of trophies) for the fact that it had rarely missed an engagement in the entire Middle East Campaign. Because of this, there was ‘great indignation among the officers and men of the N.Z.E.F. in Egypt for the way they have been treated over the guns and machine guns they have captured’.[71] The problem had still not been resolved when the Brigade finally sailed for New Zealand, and those guns which had been dispatched to Wellington were, in the main, badly rusted with many of their moving pieces missing.[72] Even taking the massacre at Surafend into account, the New Zealanders felt that they had been badly treated by the British Authorities, both as a ‘colonial’ unit within the Imperial Forces in the Middle East, and as citizen soldiers of a Dominion of the British Empire.

In the course of 1919, therefore, both Britain and Australia had created national war museums as a tribute to the deeds and sacrifices of their troops overseas, and had then distributed duplicate trophies to cities and towns as mementos of the war. C. E. W. Bean spent much of 1919 touring the battlefields and collecting items for Australia’s war museum, as well as ensuring that there were sufficient additional trophies for ‘every small town or settlement’ in Australia.[73] By comparison, New Zealand had only vague plans to create four regional war museums. Neither Sir James Allen nor Major-General Robin had any idea of what trophies were being collected and sent back to Wellington, or of exactly what would be done with them all once they arrived. General Robin’s continued reluctance to be involved in any National War Museum plans, and Allen’s belief that he was obliged to respect the aspirations of rural New Zealand to war trophies, combined to defeat any possibility that a national memorial could be created, to commemorate New Zealand’s involvement in ‘The War To End All Wars.’





References:
1. ‘Record of the New Zealand Expeditionary Force in the Great War, 4th August 1914 to 28th June 1919’, a lithograph produced circa 1920 or 1921 from information supplied by Headquarters, New Zealand Military Forces, Wellington. Framed copy, Author’s Collection.
2. R. Hawcridge, Hawcridge, R., The Great War. A Concise History of the World Conflict. Presented to School Children in Commemoration of the Winning of the War, Dunedin, 1919, pp. 30-2.
3. Stewart, New Zealand Division, pp. 616-7.
4. ibid, pp. 618-9.
5. M. Moorhead, ‘No Medals for the Anzacs’, in The Volunteers, Volume 13, Number 3 (May 1987), pp. 46-9.
6. Stewart, New Zealand Division, pp. 603-7.
7. Section (A)4, ‘Conditions of the Armistice with Germany’, in Mumby (ed), The Great World War. A History. Volume IX, p. 130.
8. Major H. H .S. Westmacott, Officer In Charge, New Zealand War Records Section, London, to N.Z.E.F. Headquarters, London, 12 June 1919, in ACID 17590 WA1 1/3/13 4/2 ‘Trophies and historical material - [War] Trophies, N.Z.E.F., Shipment of to New Zealand November 1917 – November 1918’ (R21969369) (hereafter WA1 1/3/13 4/2), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
9. Defence Headquarters, Wellington, to N.Z.E.F. Headquarters, London, 26 November 1918, in ibid.
10. Colonel G. T. Hall, A.Q.M.G., London, to Lieutenant-Colonel H.E. Avery, A.A. and Q.M.G., London, 27 November 1918 and 27 January 1919, in ibid.
11. Major R. F. Gambrill (for Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson), London, to Major H. G. Parkyn, Secretary, War Trophies Committee, London, 14 November 1918, in WA1 War Records Section [2] [record group] (17625) WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/33 ‘Guns captured by N.Z. lent for exhibition in Pall Mall, London, 1918 – 1919’ (hereafter WA1 10/1/3 NWR 6/33), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
12. Major H. H. S. Westmacott, London, to the Ordnance Officer, Mitcham Road Barracks, Croydon, undated (circa 8/9 January 1919?), in ibid. On the burning of German trophy guns during the Armistice celebrations in November 1918, see for instance R. Alley, An Autobiography, Beijing and Auckland, 1987, p. 30, in which Rewi Alley recalled the Armistice celebrations in London on 11 November 1918 when Australians ‘… hauled old captured German gun carriages from Pall Mall down to the Nelson Monument and set them all on fire.’
13. Lieutenant-Colonel Sir A. Leetham, ‘Provincial Museums and War trophies, being a paper read by the Secretary and Curator of the R.U.S.I. in a Committee Room of the House of Commons on November 14th, 1918, to a large audience of Members of the House of Commons, the War Trophies Committee of the War Office and a representative gathering of Curators of the Metropolitan and Provincial Museums’, in WA1 War Records Section [2] [record group] (17625) WA1 10/6/19 ‘N.Z. War Museum Committee Minute book, 1918’(hereafter WA1 10/6/19) held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
14. Minutes of the War Office trophies Committee, 14th Meeting, 19 November 1918’, Section 166. WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/8 Part 1.
15. Section 161, ibid.
16. Major-General A. W. Robin, Wellington, to N.Z.E.F. Headquarters, London, 30 October 1918, WA1 1/3/13 4/1.
17. Major H. H .S. Westmacott, London to N.Z.E.F. Headquarters, London, 13 January 1919, in ibid.
18. Prime Minister W .F. Massey, Hotel Majestic, Paris, to Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson, London, 27 January 1919, Captain G.L. McClure, London, to Mr F. W. Thomson, Private Secretary to W. F. Massey, Hotel Majestic, Paris, 31 January 1919; F. W. Thomson, Hotel Majestic, Paris, to Captain G. L. McClure, London, 7 February 1919, all in WA1 War Records Section [2] [record group] (17625) WA1 10/1/4 ZWR 6/36 ‘Captured German machine gun for W.F. Massey, 1919’(hereafter WA1 10/1/4 ZWR 6/36) held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
19. Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson, London, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 7 November 1918, in WA1 10/1/4 ZWR 7/1.
20. Prime Minister W .F. Massey, Paris, to Brigadier-General G.S. Richardson, London, 31 January 1919, WA1 1/3/13 4/2.
21. Brigadier-General G.S. Richardson, London, to Prime Minister W.F. Massey, Paris, 3 February 1919, in ibid.
22. Scholefield, Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Volume II, p. 234.
23. Prime Minister W. F. Massey, Paris, to Brigadier-General C. W. Melvill, General Officer In Charge, Administration, N.Z.E.F. Headquarters, London, 3 April 1919, in WA1 1/3/13 4/2.
24. Brigadier-General C. W. Melvill, London, to Prime Minister W. F. Massey, Paris, 7 April 1919, in ibid.
25. Brigadier-General C. W. Melvill, London, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 21 May 1919, in ibid.
26. Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson, Wellington, to N.Z.E.F. Headquarters, London, 26 June 1919, in AAYS 8368 AD1 762 19/41/1 Part 1 ‘Competitions and Trophies - Trophies from the Front. Presentation of to the N.Z. Government, 1919’ (R22430287) (hereafter AD1 762 19/41/1 Part 1), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
27. Major H. H .S. Wetmacott, London, to N.Z.E.F. Headquarters, London, 25 August 1919, WA1 1/3/13 4/1.
28. Lieutenant-Colonel A. Leetham, ‘Notice of suggestion to be brought up at Meeting of War trophies Committee, 27 March 1919’, dated 21 March 1919;‘Minutes of the War Office Trophies Committee, 17th Meeting, 27 March 1919; both in WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/8 Part 1.
29. Major H. H. S. Westmacott, London, to Major H. G. Parkyn, Secretary, War Trophies Committee, London, 25 April 1919, in ibid; Major H. G. Parkyn, Secretary, War Trophies Committee, London, to Major H. H. S. Westmacott, London, 3 July 1919, in WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/8 Part 2.
30. Major H. H. S. Westmacott, London, to Captain D. Ferguson, London, 27 July 1919, in WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/8 Part 2.
31. Lieutenant H. T. B. Drew (for Major H. H. S. Westmacott), London, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 21 February 1919, in WA1 War Records Section [2] [record group] (17625) WA1 10/1/4 ZWR 6/37 ‘Disposal of machine guns captured by N.Z.M.G.C. [New Zealand Machine Gun Corps], 1919’ (hereafter WA1 10/1/4 ZWR 6/37), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
32. ‘Minutes of War Office Trophies Committee, Sub-Committee B.’, 11 July 1919 and 21 August 1919, in WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/8 Part 2.
33. The Officer in Charge, Australian War Records Section, A.I.F. Headquarters, London, to Major H. H. S. Westmacott, London, 18 July 1919, in WA1 War Records Section [2] [record group] (17625) WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/24 ‘Disputed trophies, 1919 – 1920’ (hereafter WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/24), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
34. Colonel G. T. Hall, A.Q.M.G., London, to Major H. H. W. Westmacott, London, 23 August 1919, in WA1 War Records Section [2] [record group] (17625) WA1 10/1/4 ZWR 6/35Part 3 ‘Return of War Trophies to N.Z.1919 – 1920’ (hereafter WA1 10/1/4 ZWR 6/35, Part 3), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
35. Major H. H. S. Westmacott, London, to N.Z.E.F. Headquarters, London, 25 August 1919, in ibid.
36. Brigadier-General C. W. Melvill, London, to Major H. H. S. Westmacott, London, 18 June 1919, in WA1 10/1/4 ZWR 6/36.
37. Major H .H. S. Westmacott, London, to N.Z.E.F. Headquarters, London, 12 June 1919, in WA1 War Records Section [2] [record group] (17625) WA1 10/1/4 ZWR 6/35 ‘Return of War Trophies to N.Z. 1919 Part 2’(hereafter WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/8 Part 2), held at Archives NZ, Wellington. .
38. Major H.H.S. Westmacott, London, to Major H.G. Parkyn, Secretary, War Trophies Committee, London, 22 September 1919, in ibid.
39. ‘Report of War Trophies Committee’, undated (circa November 1919), p.3., in ibid.
40. Captain A. H. Lewis, Officer In Charge, New Zealand War Records Section, London, to the President, Naval War Trophies Committee, Admiralty Buildings, London, 6 October 1919, in WA1 War Records Section [2] [record group] (17625) WA1 10/1/4 ZWR 7/28 ‘Request to Admiralty for collection of Naval Trophies and Relics for New Zealand War Museum’ (hereafter WA1 10/1/4 ZWR 7/28) held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
41. Major H. H. S. Westmacott, London, to Commander H. B. Robinson, Secretary, Naval War Trophies Committee, London, 2 September 1919; Commander H. B. Robinson, Secretary, Naval War Trophies Committee, London, to Captain A. H. Lewis, London, 5 November 1919; Captain A H. Lewis, London, to Commander H.B. Robinson, London, 6 November 1919, all in WA1 10/1/4 ZWR 7/28.
42. Mr H. McNally, Air Ministry, London, to Brigadier-General C. W. Melvill, London, 7 June 1919; Mr C.R. Brigstoche, Air Ministry, London to Captain A.H. Lewis, London, 14 October 1919; Major S. Blackley, London to Captain A.H. Lewis, London, 17 October 1919, WA1 10/1/4 ZWR 7/20, all in WA1 War Records Section [2] [record group] (17625) WA1 10/1/4 ZWR 7/20 ‘Request for trophies for N.Z. War Museum illustrative of work of R.A.F., 1918 – 1920’ (hereafter WA1 10/1/4 ZWR 7/20), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
43. Major S. Blackley, London, to Captain A. H. Lewis, London, 8 January 1920, in ibid.
44. Captain A. H. Lewis, London, to Major S. Blackley, London, 10 January 1920,in ibid.
45. N.Z.E.F. Headquarters, London, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 20 November 1919, in WA1 1/3/13 4/2.
46. Captain A.H. Lewis, London, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 10 December 1919, in 10/1/4 ZWR 6/35 Part 3.
47. ‘Port of London Authority, receipt of goods on board KARAMEA bound for Wellington: three guns’, 14 July 1919, in ibid.
48. Captain A. H. Lewis, London, to Lieutenant Beecroft, Ordnance Depot, Croydon, 10 January 1920 Captain A. H. Lewis, London, to Major H. G. Parkyn, Secretary, War Trophies Committee, London, 10 January 1920; Captain N. H. Johnston (for Chief Ordnance Officer, Weedon), Weedon, to Captain A. H. Lewis, London, 5 December 1919, both in WA1 War Records Section [2] [record group] (17625) WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/12 Part 2 ‘Issue of War Trophies from Ordnance Depot, Croydon 1919 – 1920’ (hereafter WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/12 Part 2), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
49. Captain A. H. Lewis, London, to Captain N .H. Johnston, Weedon, 6 December 1919, in ibid.
50. Captain N. H. Johnston, Weedon, to Captain A .H. ‘Curtis’ [Lewis], London, 17 December 1919, in ibid.
51. Brigadier-General G. N. Johnston, New Zealand’s Military Representative in the United Kingdom, London, to Brigadier-General W. Caddell, C/- Vickers Sons and Maxim, London, 20 March 1920, in WA1 1/3/13 4/1.
52. J. Foley ‘A7V Sturmpanzerwagen’, in D. Crow, (editor), Armoured Fighting Vehicles of the World, Volume One, AFVs of World War One, Windsor, 1970, p. 64.
53. Captain D. Ferguson (for Major H .H. S. Westmacott), London, to Major H. G. Parkyn, Secretary, War Trophies Committee, London, 16 May 1919, in WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/12 Part 2; ‘Minutes of Meeting of War Trophies Committee, Sub-Committee B., 11 July 1919’, WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/8 Part 2.
54. Major H. G. Parkyn, Secretary, War Trophies Committee, London, to Major H. H. S. Westmacott, London, 7 August 1919, WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/12 Part 2.
55. N.Z.E.F. Headquarters, London, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 14 August 1919 and note appended by Major-General A. W. Robin, Wellington, 18 August 1919; Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson, Wellington to Sir J. Allen, Wellington, 25 August 1919, and note appended by Sir J. Allen, 25 August 1919, all in AD1 761 19/41/1 Part 1.
56. Captain A. H. Lewis, London, to N.Z.E.F. Headquarters, London, 30 October 1919; Captain A. H. Lewis, London, to Major H. G. Parkyn, Secretary, War Trophies Committee, London, 2 January 1920, both in WA1 10/1/4 ZWR 6/35 Part 3.
57. M. A. Hundleby, ‘Modelling the German A7V of W W 1, Part One’, in Military Modelling, May 1979, p. 409.
58. ‘War Office Trophies Committee, Minutes of 21st Meeting, 11 March 1920’, in WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/8 Part 2.
59. Town Clerk, Borough of Torquay, to Brigadier-General G. N. Johnston, London, 8 April 1920, in ACID 17590 WA1 1/3/13 4/7 ‘Trophies and historical material - Trophies, gun, Torquay, presentation of, 1919 – 1920’ (R21969374) (hereafter WA1 1/3/13 4/7), held at Archives NZ, Wellington. H. T. B. Drew, ‘The New Zealand Camps in England’, in Drew (editor), The War Effort of New Zealand, pp. 270-4.
60. Major H. H. S. Westmacott, London, to Major H. G. Parkyn, Secretary, War Trophies Committee, London, 1 September 1919, in WA1 War Records Section [2] [record group] (17625) WA1 10/1/4 ZWR 6/38 ‘Presentation of captured enemy gun to Walton-on-Thames, 1919’ (hereafter WA1 10/1/4 ZWR 6/38), held at Archives NZ, Wellington. Lieutenant-Colonel B. Myers, ‘New Zealand Hospitals in the United Kingdom’, in Drew (editor), The War Effort of New Zealand, pp. 115-21.
61. The Southland Times, 5 April 1983.
62. Lieutenant J. C. Self, Alexandria, to Lieutenant-Colonel D. A.Chaytor, Cairo, 22 November 1918, in WA1 1/3/5 XFE 734.
63. Major Beckles-Willson, Alexandria, to Captain A. H. Rhodes, Cairo, 23 November 1918, in WA1 2/1 DAAG ENZ 90/60.
64. Captain A. H. Rhodes, Cairo, to the Inspector of War Trophies, Alexandria, 22 December 1918, in ibid.
65. Lieutenant J. C. Self, Alexandria, to Captain A.H. Rhodes, Cairo, 12 December 1918, in ibid.
66. Captain J. C. Self, Alexandria, to Lieutenant-Colonel D. A. Chaytor, Cairo, 30 December 1918, in WA1 1/3/5 XFE 734.
67. Brigadier-General Evans, Acting Deputy Quartermaster General, General Headquarters, E.E.F., Cairo, to Headquarters, N.Z.E.F. in Egypt, Cairo, 7 February 1919, in ibid.
68. Captain K. C. Stewart, DAAG, N.Z.E.F. in Egypt, Cairo, to Headquarters, N.Z.E.F. in Egypt, Cairo, 13 February 1919, in WA1 2/1 DAAG ENZ 90/60.
69. Captain J. C. Self, Ismailia, to the Assistant Inspector of War Trophies, E.E.F., 10 March 1919, in ibid.
70. Powles, The New Zealanders in Sinai and Palestine, p. 275.
71. Captain J. C. Self, Ismailia, to Captain K. C. Stewart, Kantara, 20 June 1919, in WA1 2/1 DAAF ENZ 90/60.
72. Major-General E. W. C. Chaytor, General Officer Commanding, N.Z.E.F. in Egypt, Cairo, to D.Q.M.G., General Headquarters, E.E.F., Cairo, 23 June 1919; Major-General E. W. C. Chaytor, Cairo, to General Headquarters, E.E.F., Cairo, 8 January 1919, both in ibid.
73. Adam-Smith, The Anzacs, pp. 357-8.

Chapter 4: Distribution

On 3 July 1919, Brigadier-General Richardson asked the Director of Equipment and Ordnance Services (D.E.O.S.) to ‘set aside two huts at Trentham Camp for the storage of war trophies and material.’[1] Richardson then contacted Major-General Robin, asking whether or not a National War Museum would be formed, and which Government Department would be responsible for the storage and allocation of these trophies. He still believed that a National War Museum would be created, and suggested that a National War Museum Committee be formed ‘to carry out the necessary administration.’[2] After a discussion with Richardson, J. Hislop, the Under-Secretary of Internal Affairs, and Dr J. A. Thomson of the Dominion Museum, General Robin passed the matter of the National War Museum on to Sir James Allen.[3] Allen, in turn, passed the matter on to the Minister of Internal Affairs.[4] A War Museum Committee was finally formed with the approval of the Minister of Internal Affairs, but the volume of captured material arriving in Wellington meant that the museum authorities could not cope with it all.[5] At its inaugural meeting, the War Museum Committee decided to establish a ‘special War Trophies Sub-Committee’, to deal with ‘the proper distribution of war trophies… to Museums and local bodies throughout the Dominion.’[6] Such a distribution was evidently becoming an urgent matter, as, apart from a temporary display of field guns outside the Wellington Town Hall, few trophies had been distributed and the Government had been ‘attacked for bringing out so many guns already.’[7]

Lieutenant H. T. B. Drew, the Officer in Charge of the War Records Section in Wellington was very conscious of his ‘historic task’. He suggested to General Richardson that a list be compiled of all war trophies which had arrived in New Zealand, together with a list of applications which had been received for trophies ‘in order that the whole matter of trophies be brought up to date.’[8] These lists were necessary so that the Commanders of the Military Districts could confer with the Mayors in the various Regimental Areas regarding the ultimate disposal of all the trophies arriving in Wellington.[9] On 9 September 1919, Mr G. J. Anderson, the Member of Parliament for Mataura, asked in the House whether or not the Government would ‘make arrangements by which every town in the Dominion which has a local governing body may have a share of the war trophies won by our soldiers during the Great War?’[10] Allen replied that it was impossible to state how wide the distribution of trophies would be until all of the trophies arrived from England. The claims of every part of the Dominion would then be carefully considered.[11] On 17 September, Mr Parr, the Member for Eden, asked Allen if trophies could be allocated to the public museums in Auckland, Christchurch and Dunedin?[12] Allen assured Parr that ‘every consideration’ would be given to his suggestion.[13] These statements effectively ended the National War Museum scheme, as the War Museum Committee was now superintending the War Section of the new Dominion Museum. It received ₤100 from the Internal Affairs Department vote to enable it to collect and purchase ‘suitable historic relics such as documents, war medals, uniforms, pictures etc.’ for the museum.[14]

In November 1919, Lieutenant Drew reported that the Ordnance Department was storing the captured war material as it arrived in the country, whereupon it was catalogued ‘in preparation for the time when it can all be handed over for distribution purposes.’ Drew believed that this system was working well, as far as applications for trophies were concerned, given ‘the absence of any rancorous debate on this matter in Parliament or in the newspapers’, but suggested that as ‘much material is yet awaited, it would be wise to allow matters to remain in status quo until after the elections.’[15] On 25 November 1919, Drew was replaced by Lieutenant V. G. Jervis as Officer in Charge of War Records and Trophies in New Zealand. Jervis was also appointed as the permanent secretary to a Central Committee established at Defence Headquarters in Wellington, consisting of the various Officers in Charge of Intelligence, Supplies, Administration and Finance within the Army. The committee’s purpose was to ‘deal with all questions connected with War Records, Base Records, Histories and War Trophies.’[16] A General Headquarters Instruction was then issued, outlining the distribution procedure to be followed for trophies. Those war trophies definitely identified as having been captured by a particular unit would be forwarded to that unit’s Headquarters for distribution. The rest of the trophies would be pooled, and after the Dominion Museum had selected suitable items for display, the balance of the weapons would be allotted to various districts on a pro rata basis. The Commanders of the four Military Districts were thus to ‘set up District Committees of all Expeditionary Force Commanding Officers in their Districts, to make final distribution.’[17] By 22 December 1919, the majority of the N.Z.E.F.’s trophies had arrived in Wellington and Lieutenant Jervis was requested to supply a list (in quadruplicate) of ‘1. All trophies received in New Zealand and which are Regimental property. 2. The remainder of trophies received’, together with a list of ‘all applications received from local bodies for allocation to their District of war trophies.’[18]

Throughout 1919, troopships were returning to New Zealand with the approximately 90,000 troops demobilised from the N.Z.E.F., who now required to be reabsorbed into New Zealand society. As the disabled and the shell-shocked arrived back home, the true cost of the war began to be fully realised by the New Zealand public.[19] To compensate for those who did not return, some sense of purpose had to be found for the war, to ensure that they had not died in vain.[20] This need to justify the enormous loss of lives was reflected in the dramatic increase in applications for war trophies made by Borough Councils, Town Boards, Patriotic Societies, Peace Committees, Schools, and even the Cook Islands. Defence Headquarters had received 27 applications for war trophies in 1918, while in 1919, 94 applications were received for suitable enemy weaponry, preferably field guns, which could be placed on public display.[21] By 1920, plans were being made for a National War Memorial (rather than a National War Museum) in Wellington, to ‘embody the objects and sacrifices of the war, and the virtues displayed therein in such a way that they will be an education and an inspiration not only to the present but to future generations, and so be of immense influence in the formation of the New Zealand national character.’[22] Following a tradition virtually unchanged since the Classical Age, the enemy weaponry captured by the N.Z.E.F. would now be symbolic of New Zealand’s sacrifices in the war. Those already familiar with the nineteenth-century ordnance in situ throughout New Zealand, believed that silent German artillery would be appropriate to stand guard beside the nation’s memorials to its war dead, keeping the memory of the war alive.

In January 1920, Lieutenant Jervis forwarded the required lists of war trophies and applications to Defence Headquarters.[23] The efforts of Majors Gambrill and Westmacott, and Captains Lewis, McClure, Self and Rhodes had resulted in 1,504 German machine guns, approximately 200 field guns, 81 trench mortars, and numerous smaller items having been shipped back to New Zealand as trophies.[24] Given the absence of any definite policy statement by either Major-General Robin or Sir James Allen regarding the ultimate fate of the N.Z.E.F.’s war trophies, these officers had obtained the best possible collection of enemy weaponry in the circumstances. It was obvious, however, that there was an over-supply of machine guns and insufficient artillery pieces. Unless German machine guns were specifically requested, the applications made to Defence Headquarters were for field guns suitable for display beside war memorials.[25] As the planning and construction of these memorials had commenced throughout the country early in 1920, there was pressure on the Defence Department to begin the distribution of trophies as soon as possible.[26] A secondary consideration, which had troubled Allen since 1916, was the recognition of the relative importance of regional cities, towns and districts. If field guns had provided Renaissance towns with a sense of security, in post-war New Zealand the proportions of trophy weapons distributed at the behest of the government signified (and in some cases enhanced) the status of respective regional settlements. While the numerous war memorials now appearing throughout the Dominion were expressing the sentiment “Lest We Forget"?, the fear amongst local authorities was “Lest We Miss Out"? in the forthcoming distribution of trophies.[27]

Sir James Allen resigned as Minister of Defence in 1920, to replace Sir Thomas Mackenzie as New Zealand’s High Commissioner in London.[28] He thus avoided the complex question of how to ensure that local sensibilities were not offended, once the distribution of war trophies began.

Allen was replaced by the Honourable J. G. Coates, who became the Acting Minister of Defence. Coates immediately faced a question in Parliament from Mr E. Newman, the Member for Manawatu, who asked if the trophy committees established in the four Military Districts would consult with the Members of Parliament who represented the surrounding districts?[29] Coates agreed with the suggestion, and ‘thought that honourable members should be consulted in regard to the allocation of war trophies.’[30] The Defence Department, meantime, was reverting back to a peacetime establishment, with the associated reduction in personnel and funding. The burden of ensuring an ‘equitable distribution’ of trophies throughout the Dominion appeared to fall to the military authorities, who were discovering that in many ways the peace was proving more difficult than the war!

General Richardson, who was still primarily concerned with financial considerations, asked the Minister of Defence who would pay for freighting all of these trophies to City and Borough Councils. By 31 March 1920, the war had cost New Zealand ₤76,956,826, and the extra ₤5,000 which would be spent in freighting these weapons throughout the country was, according to Richardson, an unfair burden on the Defence Department.[31] He thought it unlikely that local authorities would be agreeable to meeting this cost, and recommended that the necessary funds be drawn from either the Internal Affairs Department or the War Expenses vote.[32] In his secondary capacity as Chairman of the War Museum Committee, Richardson presided over a committee meeting in June 1920 which decided that freight costs on trophies other than Regimental property would be met by the Internal Affairs Department.[33] The Defence Department would thus pay for the N.Z.E.F.’s official trophies to be distributed. The Internal Affairs Department, on the other hand, would pay for the national distribution of material no longer required for a National War Museum, now that a new Dominion Museum incorporating war displays was planned instead.[34] Even a display of trophies within the Dominion Museum became increasingly uncertain, however, when the Director discovered that such weaponry took up space needed for Maori war canoes and art exhibitions.[35]

By July 1920, there was widespread dissatisfaction amongst the County Councils and Town Boards throughout New Zealand that they were not represented in the War Trophies Committees formed in the Military Districts. General Richardson contacted the Commanders of the four Districts and asked them if they had any objections to the inclusion of these local bodies on the War Trophies Committees?[36] The composition of the regional War Trophy Committees became even more important when Defence Headquarters decided to delegate to them the allocation of all classes of trophies.[37] The Commanders of the Auckland and Canterbury Military Districts thought it was a good idea to include County Council and Town Board Chairmen, while the Wellington and Otago District Commanders were opposed to the move.[38]

The new Minister of Defence, The Honourable Sir R. Heaton Rhodes, soon found himself in the centre of a minor political furore. On 11 August 1920, he was asked in the House by Mr Burnett, Member for Temuka, when he intended to set up local committees to allocate war trophies, how these committees would be composed, and the lines on which the trophies would be distributed.[39] Rhodes replied that the committees had already been formed, but that Chairmen of County Councils, Town Boards and Road Boards were ‘to be given an opportunity of securing representation on the committee[s].’ No distribution was possible until all of the trophies had arrived in the country, whereupon ‘each committee should be supplied with a complete list of trophies belonging to the regiments concerned and could therefore carry out an equitable distribution.’[40] Rhodes further decided that the additional items collected by the N.Z.E.F.’s War Trophy Officers, which were ‘curios’ rather than ‘trophies’, would also be sent to the regional War Trophies Committees for distribution, once the museums in the four main centres had selected suitable exhibits.[41] The long-awaited national distribution of trophies was now dependent upon the regional War Trophies Committees arriving at the most satisfactory method of evenly allocating these weapons within their respective districts. A major problem was that the new civilian members of these committees had no conception of what a war trophy looked like, and had to be guided by the military committee members, who were, in many cases, reluctant to become involved in local body politics.

Some of the trophies stored at Trentham were discovered still to be potentially lethal. Two Privates, while toying with a German signal rocket about to be consigned to Wanganui, accidentally set it off, damaging the storage hut. The men were reprimanded, and one was required to pay for the damage, while a quantity of German munitions awaiting shipment as trophies was discovered to be both ‘live’ and ‘unstable’.[42] Despite this minor setback, General Richardson could report to the Minister of Internal Affairs in September 1920 that ‘the whole of the field guns have now arrived in the Dominion, and… should be distributed at an early date.’[43] Sir James Allen had claimed in September 1918 that New Zealand’s trophy distribution system was similar to those operating elsewhere in the Empire, but by September 1920 the allocation system was almost the exact opposite to those systems operating in England and Australia. While the British War Trophies Committee was primarily concerned with requirements of the Imperial War Museum, conversely the New Zealand War Museum Committee was preoccupied with the ‘equitable distribution’ of all trophies throughout the Dominion. Nevertheless, Sir Heaton Rhodes felt compelled to make a statement in the House, as ‘he was being so continually bombarded by questions with reference to the distribution of war trophies – by local bodies, private individuals and members of the House.’ Field guns, trench mortars and machine guns ‘would be allocated on a population basis’ by ‘District Committees, on which were represented the New Zealand Expeditionary Force, Returned Soldiers’ Associations (R.S.A), Mayors, and Chairmen of County Councils, Town Boards, and Road Boards’. Ten large German siege guns would be allocated to ‘the chief city in each of the provincial districts.’[44]

Mr J. R. Hamilton, the Member for Awarua, was not satisfied with Rhodes’ statement. His own electorate had not received any trophies, and as he ‘could see that there were a good many of the war trophies already distributed… he wanted justice done.’[45] Rhodes interpreted his question in the House as an indication that Hamilton wanted to represent his electorate on the local War Trophies Committee, and advised him to ‘keep off any such committees’ and thus save himself ‘a considerable amount of trouble.’.[46] Rhodes could speak with assurance, as the large siege guns (actually heavy German howitzers) had caused problems when Cabinet had decided to transfer one such gun from Wanganui to New Plymouth.[47] A public meeting in Wanganui condemned the decision, on the basis that ‘the fact that this town [Wanganui] had no standing as a provincial town should not be taken into consideration in a matter of this sort’, given that it was ‘the fifth largest town in New Zealand.’[48] Cabinet’s decision stood, however, and the Defence Department’s primary concern was that the siege guns ‘should be despatched to the various towns as soon as possible.’[49]

The Ordnance Department had been preoccupied with the sale of surplus equipment, but by 20 November 1920 all of the German machine guns had been packed and were ready for distribution.[50] The grand distribution of trophies was about to begin, and from November 1920 a steady stream of machine guns began to flow from the trophies store at Trentham.[51] The siege guns proved to be too big for the shipping companies to carry them fully assembled, and they had to be dismantled and reassembled under the supervision of Master Gunners in the ten provincial cities.[52] Field guns, trench mortars and machine guns proved to be easier to transport, and were either railed or shipped to their respective destinations between December 1920 and January 1921.

There were mixed reactions when the trophies arrived. Colonel T. W. McDonald, the Commander of the Otago Military District, did not appreciate the arrival in Dunedin of 78 packages of machine guns, with no indication from Trentham as to what was to be done with them.[53] The Invercargill City Council accepted siege gun number 359 ‘with thanks’, and placed it in front of the Government Buildings, directly opposite the Railway Station and in full view of anyone arriving in or departing from Invercargill by train.[54] The Dunedin City Council put its war trophies into storage pending a decision on how best to display them within the city.[55] The Vincent County Council did not receive any trophies, and asked Trentham for at least eight enemy weapons, as ‘throughout the County there are many children who have not the opportunity of visiting the larger centres where the most of the memorials of War are placed, and at present there is not one trophy from any war within the County.’[56]

The Wellington Military District had received a quantity of M.G. '08/15 machine guns, but they were missing their bipods, and in some cases their butts, which made them impossible to mount on display.[57] King’s College in Auckland discovered that its machine gun was ‘practically only a casing’ and attempted to obtain ‘the remainder of the gun otherwise the gift is useless.’[58] There were insufficient spare parts available for the machine guns, however, and the Defence Department decided that it was ‘more important to give good specimens [of machine guns] to colleges and schools than to local bodies.’[59] The reason for this decision was best expressed in the Ellesmere District School’s applications for a ‘Captured Machine Gun’. Having considered ‘the eminently educational and ever-memorial value’ of such a weapon, the school wanted a trophy to impress upon ‘each succeeding generation the value of [the] British Army and the Sense of Security attained by Victory’.[60]

The Ordnance Personnel at Trentham were obviously losing interest in the dilapidated enemy equipment which was causing them so many problems. The enemy munitions had been dumped at sea, the ‘uniforms and other textile materials’ had to be thoroughly disinfected, and the majority of machine guns were in a bad state of disrepair.[61] Late in 1920 the Army had undergone a major reorganisation which saw the Auckland, Wellington, Canterbury and Otago Military Districts replaced by the Northern, Central and Southern Military Commands. This reorganisation was accompanied by a further reduction in personnel, and by 1921 it was possible for files to be mislaid for three months at Defence Headquarters.[62] The War Trophies Store at Trentham now had only two men responsible for the storage and issue of the remaining trophies. Following a display of trophies in Wellington, General Richardson suggested that similar displays could be mounted ‘in various centres throughout the Dominion.’[63] A survey of the three Military Commands indicated that towns within the Southern and Central Commands supported the idea of a travelling display, while the various towns in the Northern Command, together with Auckland, received the suggestion ‘with little enthusiasm.’[64] Nevertheless, a travelling display of trophies was mounted in the Central Military Command in June 1921, under the supervision of Sergeant G. T. Dawson. As Dawson was the senior Non-Commissioned Officer In Charge of Trophies at Trentham, his absence meant that only Private McConkey was left in charge of the entire War Trophies Section. McConkey, ‘while generally competent in the duties required,’ could not cope with the correspondence which continued to arrive, and which was ‘for the most part of an urgent and important nature’.[65]

Sergeant Dawson, meanwhile, experienced problems with the touring exhibition. He had to unpack and display the exhibits and then lecture from 9.00 am to 10.00 pm daily, and received little assistance from local organisations with the running of the exhibition.[66] The display was well-attended in Hastings, where 7,525 adults and children viewed it, but the extremely cold weather, and the presence of counter-attractions such as the Gilbert and Sullivan Opera Company, meant that the exhibition was poorly patronised in Napier.[67] Dawson had to deal with further setbacks in Masterton and Palmerston North, where the show was poorly advertised, and as a result began to show a loss.[68] Attendance figures improved somewhat in Feilding and Dannevirke, and Colonel (previously acting Brigadier-General) C. W. Melvill, Commander of the Central Military Command, was impressed with Dawson’s ‘good appearance and address’, noting that he was ‘as keen as mustard on his job.’[69] These qualities, however, could not prevent the exhibition’s failure to attract crowds in the South Island, and after poor attendance figures in Christchurch and Kaiapoi the War Museum Committee decided that the ₤250,000 worth of exhibits should be returned to Trentham.[70]

Having received their field guns, howitzers, trench mortars or machine guns, many cities and towns were now trying to decide what to do with them. The Dunedin City Council, for example, positioned a siege gun and two field guns in front of the Boer War Memorial at the Oval, and placed a Turkish Pontoon in Woodhaugh Gardens, but was forced to return ‘a further 160 items of war material of a miscellaneous nature’ to the Kensington Army Drill Hall where the collection ‘could be more readily accessible to the public’.[71] The Council also had a large number of machine guns stored in the Town Hall, and the Reserves Section of the General Committee of the Council began to act as a local War Trophies Committee when the Council received applications for trophies from local schools. The Honorary Secretary of the North East Valley Public School Committee wrote to the Town Clerk in 1921 asking for a field gun, as the presence of such a weapon in the school grounds would ‘not only be furthering the cause of education but would help to keep ever-green in the minds of the children what the British Empire stands for… Justice, Liberty and Righteousness’.[72] The Reserves Committee allocated two machine guns to the school instead. The attitude of David Tannock, the Superintendent of Reserves, was that ‘modern guns are not suitable for setting-up outside, (except the very largest), they are ugly things at the best and unless constantly painted and greased would soon degenerate into a heap of iron.’[73] Mr R. S. Black, a future Mayor of Dunedin, objected to the Council giving trophies away to anyone who asked for them. He wished the Reserves Committee to consider that ‘the flower of our manhood went forth to uphold the honour of our Empire, and these trophies are worthy of better treatment than to be dispersed broadcast or thrown in the dust heap.’[74]

Some areas still did not have any trophies. The pattern of distribution indicated the importance given to New Zealand’s cities, towns and localities. Siege guns were given to the important provincial centres, field guns and trench mortars went to the cities and more important towns, while the large number of heavy (M.G. '08) and light (M.G. '08/15 and M.G.'08/18) machine guns were distributed between smaller towns and districts. It was of some concern to the Vincent County Council, therefore, to discover that it had been allocated only one field gun and four machine guns. The Council’s request for at least eight trophies had been ignored, prompting the County Clerk to turn for help to James Horn, the Member of Parliament for Wakatipu. The Council wanted a trophy for each riding so that those in ‘small villages’ could have the opportunity of viewing some of ‘the guns that were used in the Great War in which their brothers and relations took part’.[75] Horn, in turn, contacted Sir Heaton Rhodes, and explained that Vincent County had eight ridings and only five trophies. He asked Rhodes ‘to strain a point and supply them [the County Council] with three more machine guns and so get them out of trouble.’[76] Adam Hamilton, the Member for Wallace, also wrote to Rhodes, pointing out that the Wallace County Council, although the ‘most important’ in the Southland area, had not received a single trophy, while Riverton, Otautau and Winton had all received field guns.[77] Wallace County did finally receive a German 77 mm field gun as requested, even if Defence Headquarters in Wellington did not know the different between Winton and Otautau when consigning it![78]

A separate distribution of trophies occurred in Wellington in the middle of 1921. Following a suggestion by General Richardson, a selection of captured German Mauser rifles, steel helmets and shell cases were issued to seven Cabinet Ministers, sixteen Private Secretaries and Under-Secretaries, and six officers from Defence Headquarters.[79] This issue of trophies came to the attention of J. O’Donovan, the Commissioner of Police, who informed Richardson that ‘Section 7 of the Arms Act, 1920, provides that no person shall procure possession of a firearm unless he has a permit issued to him by an officer of police authorised in that behalf, and that no person shall deliver a firearm to any person unless the latter has a permit.’[80] The Police Department was supplied with a list of those who had received rifles, and asked the recipients to register their trophies. Evidently these weapons were of greater concern to the Police than the 1,500 machine guns recently distributed throughout the country, as no attempt was made to regulate the ongoing issue of machine guns from the War Trophies Store at Trentham.

By the end of 1921, the majority of war trophies had been issued, and siege guns, howitzers, field guns and trench mortars were on display in most of New Zealand’s cities and towns. Townships and small districts, together with schools, universities, public libraries and R.S.A. clubrooms, all had German machine guns in varying states of disrepair, either on display or in storage.[81] Where they were on public display, such war trophies were usually positioned on or beside the nation’s newly-constructed war memorials.[82] In a country still grieving for its war dead, no-one thought that German weapons were out of place beside memorials ‘fashioned… in stone.’[83] Some trophies, however, were given a new significance, as in Christchurch where two field guns and a siege gun were placed in front of the Supreme Court as if to “uphold the law"?.[84] In Invercargill, artillery pieces were placed in front of the Government Buildings, the Post Office and the Water Tower, while Tapanui sited its trench mortar right in the centre of the township.[85]

The realities of the post-war world and the ‘mini-depression’ of the early 1920s meant that the question of an ‘equitable distribution’ of war trophies was soon replaced by more pressing political issues. At the same time, the Army faced a severe shortage of personnel and a reduced budget, although the Chanak Crisis in 1921 prevented any further decline in New Zealand’s Defence Forces.[86] In 1923, General Richardson left New Zealand to become the administrator of Western Samoa, by which time only a handful of field guns remained at the Army’s Te Aro store in Wellington, still awaiting their collection by the Dominion Museum.[87] War trophies evidently became an accepted part of the New Zealand landscape, once the brief period of nationalistic fervour had died down. Without a National War Museum the New Zealand public still had little idea of what the members of the N.Z.E.F. had actually experienced, and the R.S.A. Journal Quick March expressed the bitterness felt by returned servicemen at ‘the lack of recognition and practical help [from the public] following their return from the First World War’.[88] Oblivious to these changes in New Zealand society, the German weaponry on display throughout the Dominion continued to mount a silent guard over the memorials to those who had died in the Great War, the country’s only tangible means of illustrating to future generations exactly what had been lost and won in the Great War.





References:
1. Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson, Wellington, to the Director of Equipment and Ordnance Services, Wellington, 3 July 1919, in AD1 762 19/41/1 Part 1.
2. Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson, Wellington, to Major-General A.W. Robin, Wellington, 22 July 1919, AD1 763 19/45.
3. Major-General A. W. Robin, Wellington, to J. Allen, Wellington, 23 July 1919, in ibid.
4. Note appended by J. Allen, 11 August 1919, to Major-General A.W. Robin, Wellington, to J. Allen, Wellington, 23 July 1919, in ibid.
5. J. Hislop, Under-Secretary of Internal Affairs, Wellington, to Major-General A. W. Robin, Wellington, 5 September 1919, in ibid; Lieutenant H.T.B. Drew, Officer in Charge, War Records, Wellington to Brigadier-General G.S. Richardson, Wellington, 8 August 1919, in AD1 762 19/41/1 Part 1.
6. “Record of the Proceedings of a Meeting of the War Museum Committee held on 11 September 1919 at Defence Headquarters"?, in AD1 763 19/45.
7.The Mayor, Wellington City Council, to J. Allen, 3 July 1919; N.Z.E.F. Headquarters, London, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 14 August 1919 and note appended by Major-General A.W. Robin, 18 August 1919, all in AD1 762 19/41.
8.Lieutenant H. T. B. Drew, Wellington, to Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson, Wellington, 3 November 1919, in AD1 973 19/45; Lieutenant H. T. B. Drew, Wellington, to Brigadier-General G.S. Richardson, Wellington, 8 August 1919, in AD1 762 19/41.
9.Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson, ‘General Headquarters Instruction No .54, 12 August 1919’, in AD1 762 19/41/1 Part 1.
10.Mr G. J.Anderson (Mataura), question to the Hon. Sir J. Allen (Minister of Defence), 9 September 1919, in New Zealand Parliamentary Debates (hereafter NZPD), Volume 184, p. 338.
11.Reply by the Hon. Sir J. Allen 9 September 1919, in ibid.
12.Mr Parr (Eden), question to the Hon. Sir J. Allen, 17 September 1919, NZPD, Volume 184, p. 601.
13.Reply by The Hon. Sir J. Allen, 17 September 1919, in ibid.
14.J. Hislop, Wellington, to the Minister of Internal Affairs, Wellington, 6 October 1919, in AD1 762 19/41/1 Part 1.
15.Lieutenant H. T. B. Drew, Wellington, to Brigadier-General G.S. Richardson, Wellington, 3 November 1919, AD1 763 19/45.
16.Lieutenant-Colonel J. Sleeman, Director of Military Training, Wellington, to Lieutenant V. G. Jervis, Officer in Charge of War Records and Trophies, Wellington, 25 November 1919, in ibid.
17.Lieutenant-Colonel H. E. Avery, ‘Q’ Duties, Wellington, to The Staff Officer in Charge, ‘A’ Branch, Wellington, 24 November 1919, in AD 1 762 19/41/1 Part 1.
18.Lieutenant A. J. Ridler (for Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson), Wellington to Lieutenant V.J. Jervis, Wellington, 22 December 1919, in ibid.
19.Pugsley, Gallipoli, pp. 350-2.
20.P. J. Wilkie, Keeping Faith with the Dead: War Memorials in the Dunedin Area, Department of History, University of Otago, Dunedin 1983, .Introduction, p. 1.
21.“Applications for War Trophies"? (undated), in AAYS 8368 AD1 762 19/41/3 Part 1 ‘Competitions and Trophies - Trophies, War, Allocation and Distribution of, 1922 – 1945’ (R22430288) (hereafter AD1 762 19/41/1 Part 1), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
22.A quotation from a resolution passed by the National War Memorial Committee in 1920, in Wilkie, Keeping Faith with the Dead, p. 4.
23.Lieutenant V. G. Jervis, Wellington, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 13 January 1920, in AAYS 8368 AD1 762 AD 19/41/1 Part 2 ‘Competitions and Trophies - Trophies from the Front. Presentation of to the N.Z. Government, 1920’ (R22430289) (hereafter AD1 762 19/41/1 Part 2), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
24.Lieutenant V. G. Jervis, Wellington, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 3 February 1920, in ibid.
25.G. Mair, Ohinemutu, Rotorua to Lieutenant V.G. Jervis, Wellington, 9 March 1920; Colonel T.W. McDonald, Commander, Otago Military District, Dunedin to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 10 May 1920, both in ibid; T. R. Palmer, Town Clerk, Wellington City Council, to J. Allen, Wellington, 19 June 1920, in AAYS 8368 AD1 763 19/41/7 ‘Competitions and Trophies - Trophies, War, Wellington City Council, 1917 – 1938’ (R22430298) (hereafter AD1 763 19/41/7), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
26.For instance the Invercargill City Council decided in February 1920 to erect a war memorial - see J. O. P. Watt, Centenary of Invercargill Municipality, 1871-1971, Invercargill, 1971. p. 166; Wilkie, Keeping Faith with the Dead, p. 5; Lieutenant-Colonel H. E. Avery, Wellington, Memorandum for all District Headquarters, 12 February 1920, in AD1 762 19/41/1 Part 2.
27.Wilkie, Keeping Faith with the Dead, p. 15.
28.G. S. Scholefield, Who’s Who in New Zealand and the Western Pacific 1925, Masterton, 1924, pp. 3-4.
29.Mr E. Newman (Manawatu), question to the Hon. J. G. Coates (Minister of Defence), 29 June 1920, in NZPD, Volume 186, p. 11.
30.Reply by the Hon. J. G. Coates 29 June 1920, in ibid.
31.H.T.B. Drew, ‘War Finance’, in Drew (ed.), The War Effort of New Zealand, pp. 241-2.
32.Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson, Wellington, to J. Allen, Wellington, 16 April 1920, in AD1 762 19/41/1 Part 2.
33.“War Museum Committee. Minutes of Fourth Meeting, 18 June 1920"?, in AD1 763 19/45.
34.Dr J. A. Thomson, Director, Dominion Museum, Wellington, to the Minister of Internal Affairs, Wellington, 15 April 1920, in ibid; Brigadier-General G.S. Richardson, President, War Museum Committee, Wellington, to the Minister of Internal Affairs, Wellington, 24 June 1920, in AD1 762 19/41/1 Part 2.
35.Dr J. A. Thomson, Wellington, to Brigadier-General G.S. Richardson, Wellington, 9 April 1920; Dr J.A. Thomson, Wellington to Brigadier-General G.S. Richardson, Wellington, 18 June 1920, both in AD1 762 19/41/1 Part 2.
36.Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson, Wellington, Memorandum to Commanders, All Districts, 27 July 1920, in AAYS 8368 AD1 762 19/41/2 ‘Competitions and Trophies - Trophies from the Front. Presentation of to the N.Z. Government, 1920’ (R22430291) (hereafter AD1 762 19/41/2), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
37.Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson, Chairman, War Museum Committee, Wellington, to the Minister of Internal Affairs, Wellington, 27 July 1920, in ibid.
38.Colonel R. Young, Commander Canterbury Military District, Christchurch, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 30 July 1920; Colonel H. R. Potter, Commander, Auckland Military District, Auckland, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 30 July 1920; Colonel C. W. Melvill, Commander, Wellington Military District, Palmerston North, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 2 August 1920; Colonel T. W. McDonald, Dunedin, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 18 August 1920, all in ibid.
39.Mr Burnett (Temuka), question to the Hon. Sir R. H. Rhodes (Minister of Defence), 11 August 1920 in NZPD, Volume 187, pp. 111-2.
40.Reply by the Hon. Sir R. H. Rhodes 11 August 1920 in ibid.
41.The Hon Sir R. H. Rhodes, Wellington to J. A. Nash, MP for Palmerston North, Wellington, 12 August 1920, in AD1 762 19/41/2.
42.Captain H. H. Whyte, Ordnance Officer, Trentham to the Chief Ordnance Officer, Wellington, 23 August 1920, in ibid.
43.Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson, Chairman, War Museum Committee, Wellington to J. Anderson, Minister of Internal Affairs, Wellington, 6 September 1920, in ibid.
44.The Hon. Sir R. H. Rhodes, Statement to the House, 8 September 1920, in NZPD, Volume 187, pp. 706-7.
45.Mr J. R. Hamilton (Awarua), question to the Hon. Sir R.H. Rhodes, 14 September 1920, in NZPD, Volume 187, p. 888.
46.The Hon. Sir R. H. Rhodes, 14 September 1920, in ibid.
47.Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson (for Major-General E. W .C. Chaytor, Commandant, New Zealand Military Forces), Wellington, to The Hon Sir R. H. Rhodes, Wellington, 14 October 1920, in AD1 762 19/41/2.
48.Lieutenant-Colonel W. H. Cunningham, Chairman, No.20 Group, War Trophies Committee, Wanganui, to The Hon Sir R. H. Rhodes, Wellington, 2 November 1920, in ibid.
49.Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson, Wellington, to The Hon Sir R.H. Rhodes, Wellington, 12 November 1920, in ibid.
50.Lieutenant-Colonel H. E. Pilkington, Director of Ordnance Services, Trentham, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 20 November 1920, in ibid.
51.“Schedule of Issues of War trophies"?, undated (circa October 1927), in AAYS 8368 AD1 762 19/41/3 Part 1 ‘Competitions and Trophies - Trophies, War, Allocation and Distribution of, 1922 – 1945’ (R22430288) (hereafter AD1 762 19/41/3 Part 1), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
52.Lieutenant-Colonel R. B. Smythe, ‘G’ Duties, Wellington, Memorandum for Commanders All Districts, 23 December 1920, AD1 762 19/41/2.
53.Colonel T. W. McDonald, Dunedin, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 4 January 1921, in AAYS 8368 AD1 762 19/41/3 ‘Competitions and Trophies - Trophies from the Front. Presentation of to the N.Z. Government, 1921’ (R22430292) (hereafter AD1 762 19/41/3), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
54.Mr F. Burnwell, Town Clerk, Invercargill, to The Hon Sir R. H. Rhodes, Wellington, 10 February 1921, in ibid.
55.‘Reserves Committee Report 1920-1921’, in Dunedin City Council Departmental Reports 1920-1921, p. 106, held at the Dunedin City Council Archives (hereafter DCC Archives), Dunedin.
56.Mr R. M. Ray, County Clerk, Vincent County Council, Clyde, to Captain H. H. Whyte, Trentham, 10 February 1921, in AD1 762 19/41/3.
57.Lieutenant-Colonel J. H. Whyte (for Commander, Central Military Command), Palmerston North, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 4 March 1921, in ibid.
58.Colonel H. R. Potter, Auckland, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 7 March 1921, in ibid.
59.Lieutenant-Colonel R. B. Smythe (for Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson), Wellington, to Colonel H.R. Potter, Auckland, 10 March 1921; Lieutenant-Colonel H. E. Pilkington, Trentham, to Captain H. H. Whyte, Trentham, 14 March 1921, both in ibid.
60.Mr M. D. Doubleday, Ellesmere District School, to the County Clerk, Springs County Council, 27 April 1921, in ibid.
61.Captain A. E. Nelson, Wellington, to the Chief Ordnance Officer, Trentham, 3 November 1920, in AD1 762 19/41/2; Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson, Wellington, to the Director of Munitions and Ordnance, Wellington, 26 February 1921; Captain H.H. Whyte, Acting Chief Ordnance Officer, Trentham to Lieutenant-Colonel H.E. Pilkington, Trentham, 18 April 1921, both in AD1 762 19/41/3.
62.Lieutenant-Colonel H. E. Pilkington, Trentham to Headquarters, Southern Military Command, Christchurch, 4 June 1921,in AD1 762 19/41/3.
63.Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson, Wellington to The Hon Sir R. H. Rhodes, Wellington, 23 March 1921, in AAYS 8368 AD1 764 19/70 ‘Competitions and Trophies - Trophies, War, Exhibition throughout N.Z., 1921 – 1922’ (R22430318) (hereafter AD1 764 19/70), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
64.Lieutenant-Colonel H. E. Pilkington, Trentham, to the Chief Ordnance Officer, Trentham, 5 June 1921; Colonel C. W. Melvill, Palmerston North, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 26 May 1921; Colonel H.R. Potter, Auckland, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 19 May 1921, all in ibid.
65.Captain H. H. Whyte (for Chief Ordnance Officer), Trentham, to Lieutenant-Colonel H. E. Pilkington, Wellington, 6 July 1921, in ibid.
66.Sergeant G. T.Dawson, “Report on Exhibition at Masterton, 27 July – 3 August 1921"?, undated ((? August 1921), in ibid.
67.Sergeant G. T. Dawson, “Report on Exhibition at Hastings"?, undated, ((?) July 1921; J. M. Brown, Secretary, Napier City Board and St John Ambulance Brigade, to Lieutenant Colonel R .B. Smythe, ‘G’ Duties, Wellington, 22 July 1921, both in ibid.
68.Sergeant G. T. Dawson, “Report on Display at Palmerston North, 11 – 18 August 1921"?, undated, ((?) August 1921), in ibid.
69.Lieutenant-Colonel R. B. Smythe, ‘G’ Duties, Wellington, to Headquarters, Central Military Command, Palmerston North, 19 August 1921, in ibid.
70.Colonel R. Young, Christchurch, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 14 December 1921; Brigadier-General G.S. Richardson, Wellington to Colonel R. Young, Christchurch, 15 December 1921, both in ibid.
71.‘Reserves Section of the General Committee Report 1921-1922’, in Dunedin City Council Departmental Reports 1921-1922, pp. 61-2, held in DCC Archives, Dunedin.
72.Mr J. J. Bardsley, Honorary Secretary, North East Valley Public School Committee, Dunedin, to Town Clerk, Dunedin, undated (circa November 1921), in ‘D.C.C. T.C. 33, 1921, Finance W/2’, held in DCC Archives, Dunedin.
73.‘List of Trophies Issued by the Dunedin City Council’, undated (circa December 1921); D. Tannock, Superintendent of Reserves, Dunedin City Council, Minute Paper, 19 September 1921, both in ibid; K./ C. McDonald, City of Dunedin, A Century of Civic Enterprise, Dunedin, 1965, p. 257.
74.Mr R. S. Black, Dunedin, to the Chairman, Reserves Committee, Dunedin City Council, 1 September 1921, in D.C.C. T.C. 33, 1921, Finance W/2.
75.Mr R. M. Ray, County Clerk, Vincent County Council, Clyde, to Mr J. Horn, Member of Parliament for Wakatipu, Dunedin, 4 June 1921, AD1 762 19/41/3.
76.Mr J. Horn, Dunedin, to The Hon Sir R. H. Rhodes, Wellington, 15 June 1921, in ibid.
77.Mr A. Hamilton, Member of Parliament for Wallace, Winton, to The Hon Sir R. H. Rhodes, Wellington, 15 June 1921; Mr J. G. C. Baker, County Engineer, Wallace County Council, Otautau, to A. Hamilton, Winton, 28 June 1921, both in ibid.
78.A. Hamilton, Winton, to The Hon Sir R. H. Rhodes, Wellington, 15 August 1921, in ibid.
79.Brigadier-General G .S. Richardson, Wellington, to The Hon Sir R. H. Rhodes, Wellington, 15 March 1921; Brigadier-General G.S. Richardson, Wellington to the Inspector of Police, Police Headquarters, Wellington, 20 September 1921, both in AAYS 8368 AD1 763 19/41/216 ‘Competitions and Trophies - War Trophies, Issue of to Cabinet Ministers and Private Secretaries, 1921’ (R22430294) (hereafter AD1 763 19/41/216), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
80.J. O’Donovan, Commissioner of Police, Wellington to Brigadier-General G.S. Richardson, Wellington, 18 August 1921, in ibid.
81.“Schedule of Issues of War Trophies"?, undated (circa October 1927), AD1 762 19/41/3 Part 1.
82.A number of World War One trophy guns may still be seen beside war memorials. As at September 1987, the following German-made artillery pieces were still in position:
Arrowtown: A Turkish 75 mm Modell 1903 field gun, stamped ‘7th Light Horse, New South Wales’. Photographed 18/1/87, War
Trophies Albums Volume 1, Author’s Collection.
Cromwell: A German 77 mm F.K. ’16, Number 25261. Photographed 23/11/86, in ibid.
Maheno: Nichols’ Estate, Kuriheka – A German 77 mm C96 n/A, Number 9419, a German 24.5 cm Minenwerfer, Number 3674, a German 7.5 cm Minenwerfer, Number unknown, and a Turkish 75 cm field gun, stamped ‘1/1 WORCESTER YEO. MUSEUM, WORCESTER’. Photographed 18/11/86, War Trophies Albums Volume 2, Author’s Collection.
Naseby: A German 77 mm F.K. ’16, Number 11746. Photographed 24/11/86, in ibid.
Otautau: A German 77 mm C 96 n/A, Number 13262, and a Turkish 75 mm Modell 1903 field gun. Photographed 15/2/87, in ibid.
83.Pugsley, Gallipoli, p. 354.
84.Photograph showing three German Artillery pieces outside the Christchurch Supreme Court (undated), with the caption: ‘These guns outside the Supreme Court, Christchurch, were sent to Burnham in 1941’, in Photograph Series 350, World War Two (no negative), held at the ATL, Wellington.
85.Watt, Centenary of Invercargill, p. 157. Tapanui: a German 24 cm Albrecht Flugel Minenwerfer, Number 121, Photographed 13/12/86, in, War Trophies Albums Volume 2, Author’s Collection.
86.Barber, Red Coat to Jungle Green, pp. 97-9.
87.Scholefield, Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Volume II, p. 234. Major E. Puttick, New Zealand Staff, ‘Q’ Duties, Wellington, to Lieutenant-Colonel H.E. Pilkington, Trentham, 10 March 1923; Mr A. Ridler, Secretary, War Museum Committee, Wellington, to Major-General E. W. C. Chaytor, Wellington, 24 October 1923, both in AD1 762 19/41/3 Part 1.
88.Wilkie, Keeping Faith with the Dead, p. 28.

Chapter 5: Destruction

The majority of the German and Turkish ordnance on display throughout New Zealand in the 1920s had been designed and manufactured by the Krupp and Rheinmetall companies in Germany during World War One. A feature of German artillery design was that, while the barrel and breech assembly was made of high-quality steel, the carriage was a hollow box construction of mild steel to ensure balance and keep the weight of the gun to a minimum. The heavy siege guns (Mörsers) required all-metal wheels to support their weight, but all of the lighter field guns, howitzers and trench mortars had wooden and steel wheels which could be repaired in the field.[1] Unlike the nineteenth century British ordnance on public display in the country, these German weapons were not built to last more than four or five years, and they were certainly not designed to withstand the rigors of the New Zealand climate. Many of the guns, especially those from Cairo, had been in a poor condition even before they were despatched to New Zealand. Once on display in the cities and towns they required regular maintenance by the various local authorities to ensure that they did not deteriorate any further and become a public eyesore. Many local bodies found that such maintenance was too expensive, as the mild steel carriages began to rust and the wooden spokes and felloes of the wheels started to rot.[2]

Other local authorities, however, had still not received any trophies, and the War Museum Committee in Wellington continued to receive occasional requests for suitable enemy weaponry for public display. By the end of 1927, the Committee decided to communicate with those local bodies ‘holding War Trophies asking whether such trophies are still required and if not whether there would be any objection to their being placed on a list as available for other Local Bodies who may desire to obtain such trophies.’[3] When the Christchurch City Council received a copy of the Committee’s letter, it sparked a debate during the 5 March 1928 meeting of the Council as to whether or not it was appropriate to have German guns on display within the city. Some Councillors regarded the guns as the ‘relics of barbarism’, while others ‘contended that the display of the guns publicly made people realise the hideousness of war.’ Concern was expressed as to ‘the effect of the guns on the minds of children’, but one Councillor dismissed this as ‘sickly, sentimental twaddle’, as the guns ‘served a useful purpose in the community.’ The Mayor, the Reverend J. K. Archer, intervened in the debate and stated that ‘War is a relic of barbarism, and there is nothing more hideous than the thought that human beings have been blown to pieces by such guns.’ He did not think that ‘flower beds are the best place for them [to be displayed], as they should be in the museum, where other relics are.’ When the matter was put to the vote it was decided to remove the guns from Christchurch’s reserves.[4]

The Christchurch R.S.A. and the Navy League both voiced strong objections to the Council’s resolution. The R.S.A. believed that the guns were ‘before everything a memorial to the gallant conduct of the men who captured them, and a silent testimonial to those who gave their lives for their country.’ The guns ‘were there to be proud of, not ashamed of’, and were ‘visible emblems of [the] courage sacrifice, and success of the troops in the Great War’. The Navy League saw the guns as ‘merely emblems of the necessity for defence to which New Zealand was surely bound.’[5] The Editorial in The Press of Christchurch on 7 March 1928 suggested that ‘millions of people… would most vigorously oppose the foolish policy of hiding away or destroying everything that in any way indicates that nations may find themselves obliged to fight.’[6] The editor of The Sun, another Christchurch newspaper, noted that ‘the fact is that few [people] take much notice of the guns.’ If the weapons were unsightly, it was ‘certainly no reason for removing the guns’, which the Sun’s editor considered to be a futile gesture.[7]

The question of Christchurch’s trophies was still being discussed two months later. The Commander of the Southern Military Command explained to Defence Headquarters that the guns would be ‘taken from their present position and disposed of in such a manner as not to offend the susceptibilities of a section of the Christchurch Public.’ He thought that the Army might be ‘asked to take over these trophies, on the assumption that they are Departmental property’, and requested some guidance from Wellington.[8]

Colonel W. L. H. Sinclair-Burgess, the Chief of General Staff, met with Mr D. G. Sullivan, the Member of Parliament for Avon, and the Deputy Mayor of Christchurch, to discuss the ‘disposal of the guns at present in Victoria Square, Christchurch.’ Colonel Sinclair-Burgess agreed to ‘provide accommodation for the guns’, on the understanding that they remained the property of the Council. Sullivan was most anxious for the Army to take the guns, as otherwise they seemed destined to be scrapped or destroyed.[9] Enquiries at the Southern Military Command Headquarters in Christchurch revealed that there was no space available in which to store the guns, and Colonel Sinclair-Burgess asked that the problem ‘be regarded as confidential and should not be discussed or given to the Press.’[10]

The R.S.A. then attempted to prevent the guns positioned in front of the Supreme Court from being towed away, as they were on Crown property and ‘should not be removed without permission.’[11] Sir Heaton Rhodes had been replaced by the Honourable F. J. Rolleston as Minister of Defence in 1926. Rolleston was also the Minister of Justice, and he informed the Christchurch R.S.A. that there was no record ‘of this Department [Justice] ever having agreed to the guns being placed in front of the Supreme Court, and in any event I do no think that we have any control over them.’[12]

On 10 June 1928, the Christchurch City Council staged a stormy debate on the fate of the city’s trophies.[13] The Defence Department clearly did not want to become involved in the continuing debate, but a new group appeared, determined to force the Army to remove the trophies from the reserves. This new group was the anti-militarists, and one of them, a Mr H. W. Reynolds, sent a postcard to Rolleston asking that the ‘old War junk’ be shifted. ‘They have to go’, he stated, ‘Why not today?’ A petition was being circulated in Christchurch calling for the guns’ removal, and Reynolds ended his card with the message that ‘WE WANT NO MORE CHRISTIAN WARS.’[14] Rolleston did not reply to Reynolds, and the latter then sent a second postcard to the Prime Minister, the Right Honourable J. G. Coates. Reynolds asked him to ‘prevail upon the Minister of Defence (War) to remove these German War Relics (guns) from our City.’ Reynolds wanted ‘Peace and happiness for Mankind. War is Hell so why idolize it’?[15] Coates passed the card back to Rolleston for his ‘consideration’.[16] Major-General Young, the General Officer commanding the New Zealand Military Forces, advised Rolleston to continue ignoring Reynolds, as he was ‘a pronounced anti-militarist, who has clashed with this Department on previous occasions and is not the type with whom we wish to enter into correspondence’. Rolleston agreed with General Young, and no response was made.[17]

The offending guns were eventually removed to Burnham Military Camp, and their fate thereafter is uncertain. The war trophies debate in Christchurch had a greater significance, however, for in July 1928 the ‘No More War Movement’ was founded by Frederick Page, a Christchurch scientist. A small group of ‘Pacifists who opposed all war, and even left-wing anti-militarists who opposed "workers" wars,' had campaigned for universal disarmament throughout the 1920s. In the aftermath of the Christchurch trophies debate, Page headed a movement which hoped to end war forever. Its aims were embodied in its pledge: ‘War is a crime against humanity. I am therefore determined (a) not to support or take part in any war and (b) work for total disarmament, the removal of all causes of war and the establishment of a new order based on pacifist principles for the common good.’[18] As the debate in Christchurch had centred around the possibility that war trophies could be seen to glorify war and encourage militarism in New Zealand’s youth, it was evident that the ‘removal of all causes of war’ would include a campaign against the enemy ordnance on display throughout the Dominion.

The Great Depression began in 1929, and New Zealand soon faced the ‘worst economic crisis of the century.’[19] As the unemployment figures mounted, interest in the Great War and the Army in general fell, and the years 1930 to 1938 were ‘probably the most discouraging the New Zealand Army had survived.’[20] In May 1930, the Military Authorities were no longer able to store in the Kensington Army Drill Hall the ‘160 items of war material of a miscellaneous nature’ on behalf of the Dunedin City Council. The Council no longer wanted the material, once destined for the Dunedin Museum, as the items were now in poor condition. The Council therefore asked the War Museum Committee in Wellington to ‘take possession of the whole of the material.’[21] Mr W. Ryan, the Secretary of the War Museum Committee, contacted the Auckland, Wellington, Christchurch and Dunedin Museums to see if they required any of these trophies. He discovered that, with the exception of four items for the Auckland Museum and seven pistols for the Dunedin Museum, there was no interest whatsoever in preserving these war relics. Ryan informed Lieutenant-Colonel H. E. Pilkington, the Quartermaster-General, that it was ‘not considered desirable to circularise Local Bodies because as far as it is known they are trying to get rid of their War Trophies.’[22] The Army decided to leave the material in the Kensington Drill Hall until the Dunedin City Council could decide on its disposal, and the assortment of German, Turkish and British weaponry and equipment was ultimately dumped.[23]

By 1932, the Great Depression was at its peak. Almost half of the large number of registered unemployed were in the four main cities, where protests by those without work ‘erupted into violent rioting on a scale unprecedented in New Zealand’s history.’ The unrest began in Dunedin, in January 1932, when several hundred unemployed marched on a grocery store demanding food, and reached its peak in April, when an organised protest march in Auckland turned into a riot. Thousands of unemployed ‘careered down Queen Street smashing shop windows as they went’, and similar, although less serious, riots occurred in Wellington, Christchurch and Dunedin. The Government responded by passing the Public Safety Conservation Act, whereby a national emergency would be proclaimed if the country was threatened by the ‘lawless minority’.[24]

In the midst of this unrest, it was brought to the attention of W. G. Wohlmann, the Police Commissioner, that ‘in certain Public Schools, Museums and other Institutions there are machine guns on exhibition or stored away, and it [is] alleged that in some cases they are in quite serviceable condition and capable of firing British .303 service cartridges as single shot weapons, and, with certain adjustments, by means of machine-gun belts.’ This claim was exaggerated, as the conversion of German weapons to fire British service ammunition was a difficult technical process.[25]

Nevertheless, the Police feared that the German machine guns were stored in such a way that ‘there is a danger of their being stolen, and where their presence may become known to others besides teachers, scholars, custodians, etc.’ Wohlmann asked that the guns be ‘rendered ineffective or securely stored.’[26] Lieutenant-Colonel I. T. Standish, the Adjutant and Quartermaster-General, replied that the Defence Department’s machine guns were stored securely, and that the German weapons to which Wohlman was referring were trophies, and thus were ‘no longer Defence Department property.’ The Army had its own problems to attend to, and had no interest in the weapons captured by the N.Z.E.F. fifteen years previously. Standish forwarded a ‘Schedule of Issues of War Trophies’ to the Police, who carefully scrutinised it, noting down those local bodies, schools, museums and other institutions which had received machine guns as trophies for display.[27]

The Police Department set about systematically locating the approximately 1,500 German machine guns which had been distributed throughout the country in 1921 and 1922. What once had been regarded as mementos of New Zealand’s involvement in World War One, to be proudly displayed so as to impress upon the country’s youth the significance of the war, were now a potential threat to the New Zealand public. The weapons themselves had not changed, only the climate of opinion. In January 1933, the Clerk of the Taranaki County Council wrote to Defence Headquarters to explain that the two German machine guns in the Council’s storeroom were of no use whatsoever. The Council did not wish to register the guns with the Police, and desired to return them to the Defence Department, or destroy them, whichever was preferable to the Military Authorities.[28] The Internal Affairs Department replied to the Taranaki County Council, stating that the machine guns were not needed in Wellington, and that there was ‘no objection to their destruction.’[29]

In March 1933, the Town Clerk of the Wellington City Council was interviewed by the Police,and was informed that two machine guns and a trench mortar on display in the Wellington Town Hall would have to be registered or destroyed. Since the Council did not want to register the weapons, the Town Clerk wrote to the Under Secretary of Defence asking whether or not the Defence Department wanted the guns back.[30] With so many unwanted trophies being destroyed, the Defence Department was surprised to receive a request from the Mokauiti R.S.A. for a suitable trophy for display.[31] Defence Headquarters attempted to pass the request on to the War Museum Committee, but with no War Museum to administer, and no trophies to distribute, the Committee had not functioned for over five years. A meeting was finally organised in May 1933, and it was decided that the Committee should remain in being until the War Trophies still in storage at Trentham were placed in some permanent building. The problem of the Wellington Town Hall trophies was solved by handing one machine gun to the Dominion Museum, the other machine gun to the Mokauiti R.S.A., and the trench mortar ‘to the Police for breaking up.’[32]

In May 1934, Lieutenant-Colonel Standish gave the Southern Military Command permission to hand over the German machine guns in the Invercargill area to the Police for destruction. As ‘most of these guns are unserviceable and appear to be locked away in obscure sheds and lumber rooms’, the matter was not considered worth referring to the War Trophies Committee.[33] The irony was that the worst of the depression was over, together with the threat of further rioting, and that these machine guns were, in any case, inoperable and thus presented no threat to anyone. Nonetheless, the Invercargill Police gathered-up the aging weapons, and dumped them as fill between the concrete foundations of the cell block which was then being added to the Invercargill Police Station.[34]

In 1935, the Labour Party defeated the new National Party to become the Government of New Zealand. The nationwide support for the Labour Party was reflected in local body politics, where City, Borough and County Councils all began to have a greater number of Labour Councillors, many of whom were confirmed pacifists. In Dunedin, the Reverend E. T. Cox had defeated R. S. Black in the 1933 Mayoral Election, and the 1935 Dunedin City Council election results increased the number of Labour representatives on the Council.[35] In December 1935, the No More War Movement asked the Council to consider removing its trophies from the city’s gardens and reserves. The Movement’s request subsequently came up for discussion at the 3 February 1936 meeting of the Council. A sub-leader in the Otago Daily Times on the morning of 3 February warned that the ‘militant non-militaristic members of the City Council will probably accomplish at the meeting… something they evidently regard as important… the removal from municipal reserves of the guns’. These weapons were ‘as incapable of making war as the most ardent pacifist on the City Council’, and it was ‘doubtful whether the criticism of the guns as a provocation to the military spirit’ deserved consideration, since they were ‘essentially docile and ineffectual.’ If the field guns were to be removed, the Otago Daily Times suggested that the war memorials should also be razed ‘for the sake of consistency… as they may be suspected of glorifying war.’[36]

When the Otago Daily Times reported the Council meeting in its 4 February issue, it was noted that ‘the Council was getting more and more like a kindergarten every day’. A motion had been passed at the meeting,calling for ‘the removal of the earliest convenient date, of the guns at present mounted in certain of the city reserves and gardens.’ Several of the Councillors who voted in favour of the motion stated that they were not against the guns themselves, but thought that such weapons were ‘symbols of conquest’, and there was thus a danger of ‘creating a psychology [favouring war] among children.’ The Mayor, the Reverend Cox, stated that ‘the guns were placed where they were when jingoism was in fashion and when Britain was applauded for doing just what Italy was doing at the moment.’ Britain was now favouring disarmament, and ‘by removing these guns the Council was simply following the lead of the Royal House and the Empire.’ The Council did not proposed to destroy the trophies, and if anyone wanted them the guns could be removed ‘without money and without price.’[37] On 5 February the Otago Daily Times printed a photograph of the guns concerned, which proved to be the 64 Pr and 7-ton 7-inch R.M.L. Armstrong coastal defence guns, declared to be obsolete in 1893, rather than the German field pieces in the city. As in Christchurch in 1928, the debate in Dunedin was primarily concerned with the psychological effect such weapons might have had on children, yet the R.M.L. Armstrong guns in Queens Gardens the Botanic Gardens and Market Place had never fired a shot in anger![38]

Following the Council’s resolution, a number of correspondents to the Otago Daily Times criticised the decision to remove the guns. The Council itself did not discuss the question of their removal again until May 1936, when the Reserves Committee accepted a request from the Knox College Students’ Association to use the German field guns situated in the Oval for a Capping Day ‘burlesque’.[39] The students had agreed to provide a sanctuary for the guns, and the Otago Daily Times was delighted to report that members of Knox College had ‘repaired to the Oval and removed one of the guns that have of recent months caused our [Dunedin’s] city fathers so much worry.’

The siege gun proved to be too big to move, but ‘armed with a sledge hammer and a tractor’ one of the 77 mm field guns was dragged onto the road and towed to Knox College. The gun was then presented to the Master of Knox College, and with the assurance that ‘the college was not the bed of pacifism it was reputed to be’, it was left in the college grounds, draped with a Union Jack. This ‘burlesque’ did not solve the problem of what to do with Dunedin’s war trophies, however, and the Otago Daily Times suggested that the Council might still ‘have the gun back on its own hands – and not in its former place, which was, at least, out of the way.’[40] The Otago Daily Times was proven to be correct, and in July 1936 the Dunedin Town Clerk asked the Knox College Students’ Association to find a home for the gun, which was ‘lying abandoned in an allotment in the Woodhaugh Valley.’[41] The Association duly returned the gun to the Knox College grounds, and its fate thereafter is uncertain.[42]

The obsolete Armstrong guns continued to attract the most attention, and in July 1936 a Mr A. W. McCorkindale offered to scrap the carriages of these weapons, and bury the barrels, taking care to ‘make the damage [to the reserves] exceptionally small if any’.[43] His offer was accepted by the Council and the Armstrong guns were dismantled in November. The Otago Daily Times commented that it was ‘worse than the grave-digger scene from “Hamlet"?.’[44] At a Council meeting on 7 December 1936, the removal of such ‘ugly monstrosities’ from the reserves was defended by Councillor W. W. Batchelor, as it had not cost the Council anything. Some people had ‘said that the guns were going to Japan [as scrap] and would be used later against them.’ Batchelor’s response was ‘“what have they to growl about? We would get them back for nothing."? (laughter)’.[45] At least it appeared that the old Armstrong guns would finally be of some military use! The German trophies at the Oval and the Dowling Street steps proved to be almost impossible to scrap, and were later buried.[46]

In June 1937, Major G. King, the Director of Ordnance Services, asked if the stores held at the War Trophies Hut at Trentham ‘on account of the War Museum Committee’, could be removed or disposed of.[47] Military stores were arriving from England, and the storage space was urgently required at the military camp.[48] The Management Committee of the Dominion Museum decided to take delivery of the smaller items from Trentham, while the larger exhibits were to be ‘disposed of by the Defence Department.’[49] One of the trophies disposed of by Defence Headquarters was a German aero engine, which was sold to a Mr L. W. Moult who desperately needed it for his own aeroplane in order that he could compete in the New Zealand flying championships. Moult had attempted to purchase a suitable engine in England, but he had discovered that the trophies there had lately been broken-up for munitions.[50]

By April 1938 the Dominion Museum was unable to accept any more trophies as they were blocking the storage area at the rear of the building.[51] In October 1938 the Museum’s Management Committee was offered for display purposes the four German field guns owned by the Wellington City Council, but the guns were ‘found to be in such poor condition that they could not be moved.’ Nevertheless the Management Committee finally realised the ‘importance of guns of this nature being secured for historical purposes’, and asked the Defence Department for ‘large guns which are in thoroughly good condition and capable for being wheeled into position.’[52] Unfortunately the museum was seventeen years too late. Christchurch and Dunedin had scrapped or removed their guns from display, Wellington’s guns were beyond repair and the Auckland City Council also wanted to be rid of its aging war trophies.[53]

The Dominion Museum’s plans to establish, at long last, a display based on the material collected prior to 1920 by the N.Z.E.F.’s War Trophy Officers never became a reality. In December 1938 the trophies received from Trentham were sorted to determine those items ‘of historical or sentimental value’ and those which were junk.[54] The latter category of trophies were then sold for scrap, or unceremoniously dumped.[55] New Zealand was too preoccupied with other concerns to worry about the disposal of the trophies once intended to form the basis of a national memorial to the N.Z.E.F. The silent trophies throughout the country had not managed to keep war at bay (nor, for that matter had the pacifists who were so bent on destroying these guns), and by 1939 it was clear that a second World War was imminent. It was perhaps ironic that one Colonel R. F. Gambrill was one of the four Colonels prematurely retired from the Army when they criticised the Labour Government’s defence policies.[56] He was the same Gambrill who in 1918 had been a Major in charge of the N.Z.E.F.’s War Records Section in London. Brigadier-General Richardson, who had returned to Auckland from Western Samoa in 1928, died in June 1938 aged 69.[57] With him died any hope of establishing a National War Museum in New Zealand along the lines which he had suggested twenty years previously to Lieutenant-General Godley.

The Dominion Museum’s plans to establish, at long last, a display based on the material collected prior to 1920 by the N.Z.E.F.’s War Trophy Officers never became a reality. In December 1938 the trophies received from Trentham were sorted to determine those items ‘of historical or sentimental value’ and those which were junk.[54] The latter category of trophies were then sold for scrap, or unceremoniously dumped.[55] New Zealand was too preoccupied with other concerns to worry about the disposal of the trophies once intended to form the basis of a national memorial to the N.Z.E.F. The silent trophies throughout the country had not managed to keep war at bay (nor, for that matter had the pacifists who were so bent on destroying these guns), and by 1939 it was clear that a second World War was imminent. It was perhaps ironic that one Colonel R. F. Gambrill was one of the four Colonels prematurely retired from the Army when they criticised the Labour Government’s defence policies.[56] He was the same Gambrill who in 1918 had been a Major in charge of the N.Z.E.F.’s War Records Section in London. Brigadier-General Richardson, who had returned to Auckland from Western Samoa in 1928, died in June 1938 aged 69.[57] With him died any hope of establishing a National War Museum in New Zealand along the lines which he had suggested twenty years previously to Lieutenant-General Godley.

After World War Two, the New Zealand public was once more preoccupied with the realities of the post-war world, and the few World War One trophies which had managed to survive the 1930s and 1940s were allowed to rust in peace. The Second World War did not bring forth the depth of patriotism which had gripped New Zealanders between 1914 and 1918, and only a few of the weapons captured by the Second New Zealand Expeditionary Force were brought back to New Zealand as war trophies.

There was no clamour for suitable trophies for public display from the various local authorities in New Zealand, and the prevalent opinion appeared to be that ‘the place for war trophies is a war museum.’[62] Such an attitude would have been acceptable had a national war museum existed, but it did not.

After 1948, those war trophies which had managed to survive on public display, were largely ignored by the districts and towns, initially so vitally concerned with acquiring them. The artillery pieces continued to fall into disrepair, and received the most attention from children and vandals. A number of field guns, and, more especially, machine guns, fell into private ownership when the local councils or schools no longer wanted them, while the ordnance pieces which were left out in the open became very unusual rubbish tins.[63] In the early 1970s, heavy German M.G. '08 machine guns mysteriously disappeared from the Roxburgh War Memorial, and the Hawea Flat School.[64] By 1981, vandals had broken-up a German 77 mm F.K. '16 on Bluff Hill, and in July 1981 the fifteen machine guns which the Invercargill Police had buried in the Police Station’s new cellblock in 1934, were rediscovered, only to be seized by the Police and dumped yet again.[65]

In 1978, the ‘long held aspiration of soldiers and ex-soldiers to have a permanent and fitting record established on the part of the Army has played in the development of our country and its people’ was finally realised. As the result of an Army fundraising project code-named ‘Operation Heritage’, the Queen Elizabeth II Army Memorial Museum was opened at Waiouru. This national war museum was designed as ‘a safe and permanent repository for the relics and artefacts which have been gathered during the past years, and others which may be collected in the future.’ Sixty years after Brigadier-General G. S. Richardson had first suggested the formation of a New Zealand War Museum, the Army had finally taken the initiative and established ‘a dignified and fitting memorial… [to] the men and women who have served the nation in the Army.’[66] Too many of the trophies and assorted ‘war relics’ which had been collected in Gallipoli, France and Palestine, during and after World War One, had been lost, but a positive move had been made towards ending the unenlightened destruction of New Zealand’s military heritage which had occurred since the 1920s.

In the late 1970s, the New Zealand Army began to distribute a number of its obsolete 25 Pounder field guns, and 20 mm Oerlikon, 40 mm Bofors and 3.7 inch Anti-Aircraft guns throughout the country for display. The Alexandra, Greymouth and Timaru R.S.A.s all received 25 Pounders to place outside their clubrooms, while the Gore R.S.A. mounted an Oerlikon on its roof, and the Ranfurly Borough Council positioned a large 3.7 inch Anti-Aircraft gun in the centre of the town.[67] This renewed interest in artillery coincided with attempts by enthusiastic amateurs to restore those World War One German field guns which remained on public display. The Boroughs of Cromwell, Naseby, Eltham and Waipawa have all rebuilt and repainted their now historic war trophies, and similar guns in other areas were also restored.[68] New Zealand is, today, one the few countries in the world still to have ‘examples of [World War One] German ordnance scattered around the countryside’, as such weapons in England, France and elsewhere were scrapped during World War Two to become munitions.[69] It is hoped that the present trend to restore these long-silent trophies is the last change of heart which the general public will have over these particular weapons. They are so much a part of our nation’s history, and their future preservation therefore deserves to be assured.





References:
1. F. Kosar, A Pocket History of Artillery. Light Fieldguns, London, 1974, pp. 19-20, 114-137; D. B. Nash, German Artillery 1914-1918, London, 1971, pp. 12-17, 30-6, 44-5, 47-8.
2. Lieutenant-Colonel H. E. Pilkington, Quartermaster-General, Wellington, to Chairman, War Trophies Board, Internal Affairs Department, Wellington, 6 April 1927, in AD1 762 19/41/3 Part 1.
3. J. Hislop, Chairman, War Museum Committee, Wellington, to General Officer Commanding, New Zealand Military Forces, Wellington, 17 August 1927, in ibid.
4. The report of the meeting of the Christchurch City Council on 5 March 1928 in The Lyttelton Times, 6 March 1928 in AAYS 8368 AD1 763 19/41/23 ‘Competitions and Trophies - Christchurch City Council, Trophies, War, Supply of, 1918 – 1921’ (R22430295) (hereafter AD1 763 19/41/23), held at Archives NZ, Wellington.
5. The Press, Christchurch, 6 March 1928, in ibid.
6. Editorial, The Press, Christchurch, 6 March 1928, in ibid.
7. Editorial, The Sun, Christchurch, 7 March 1928, in ibid.
8. Lieutenant-Colonel Thomson (for Commander, Southern Military Command), Christchurch, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 23 May 1928, in ibid.
9. Colonel W. L. H. Sinclair-Burgess, Chief of General Staff, Wellington, Note for the file, 25 May 1928, in ibid.
10. Major-General Young, General Officer Commanding, New Zealand Military Forces, Wellington, to Mr D. G. Sullivan, Deputy-Mayor, Christchurch, 28 May 1928; Colonel W.L.H. Sinclair-Burgess, Wellington to Headquarters, Southern Military Command, Christchurch, 28 May 1928, both in ibid.
11. Mr E. F. Wilcox, Secretary, Christchurch R.S.A., to The Hon. F. H. Rolleston, Minister of Defence and Justice, Wellington, 29 May 1928, in ibid.
12. The Hon F. H. Rolleston, Wellington to E. F. Willcox, Christchurch, 8 June 1928, in ibid.
13. The report of the meeting of the Christchurch City Council on 10 June 1928 published in The Press, Christchurch, 11 June 1928, in ibid.
14. Mr H. W. Reynolds, Christchurch, to The Hon F. H. Rolleston, Wellington, 15 June 1921, in ibid.
15. Mr H. W. Reynolds, Christchurch, to The Rt. Hon. J. G. Coates, Prime Minister of New Zealand, Wellington, 25 June 1928, in ibid.
16.
The Rt. Hon. J. G. Coates, Wellington, to H. W. Reynolds, Christchurch, 27 June 1928, in ibid.
17. Major General Young, Wellington, to The Hon. F. H. Rolleston, Wellington, 9 July 1928, and note appended by The Hon. F. H. Rolleston, 10 July 1928, in ibid.
18.
D. Grant, Out in the Cold, Pacifists and Conscientious Objectors in New Zealand during World War Two, Auckland, 1986, pp. 11, 23-4.
19.
Sinclair, A History of New Zealand, p. 247.
20.
Barber, Red Coat to Jungle Green, p. 100.
21. Mr W. Ryan, Secretary, War Museum Committee, Wellington, to Lieutenant-Colonel H.E. Pilkington, Wellington, 3 May 1930; Major R.A. Row (for Commander, Southern Military Command), Christchurch to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 26 May 1930, both in AD1 762 19/41/4.
22. W. Ryan, Wellington, to Lieutenant-Colonel H. E. Pilkington, Wellington, 25 June 1930, in ibid.
23. Lieutenant-Colonel H. E. Pilkington, Wellington, to W. Ryan, Wellington, 1 July 1930, in ibid.
24. L. Richardson, ‘Parties and Political Change’, Chapter 8 in W. H. Oliver and B. R. Williams (editors), The Oxford History of New Zealand, Wellington, 1984, pp. 222-5.
25. To convert a German maxim machine gun, which fired 7.9 mm rimless ammunition, to fire British .303 SAA rimmed cartridges, would have required a new barrel and lock and a modified booster and feed block, which was a major job for an armourer. Some conversions of this type were attempted by the Imperial Authorities in World War One and by the New Zealand Home Guard during World War Two with varying degrees of success. Bearing in mind that the German machine guns distributed as trophies were generally in a poor and often incomplete condition, and that the Defence Department had not brought back large quantities of 7.9 mm ammunition after World War One, it would appear that the Police were over-reacting. The large quantities of ex-military Lee Enfield rifles in the country undoubtedly presented a greater threat to the New Zealand public.
26.
Commissioner W. G. Wohlmann, Police Department, Wellington, to General Officer Commanding, New Zealand Military Forces, Wellington, 18 November 1932, in AD1 762 19/41/3 Part 1.
27. Lieutenant-Colonel I. T. Standish, Acting Quartermaster-General, Wellington, to Commissioner W. G. Wohlmann, Wellington, 25 November 1932; Commissioner W. G. Wohlmann, Wellington, to Lieutenant-Colonel I. T. Standish, Wellington, 15 December 1932, both in ibid.
28.
Mr R. Ellis, County Clerk, Taranaki County Council, New Plymouth, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 16 January 1933, in ibid.
29.
W. Ryan, Internal Affairs Department, Wellington, to R. Ellis, New Plymouth, 26 January 1933, in ibid.
30. Mr E. P. Norman, Town Clerk, Wellington City Council, to the Under Secretary, Defence Department, Wellington, 22 March 1933, in AD1 763 19/41/7.
31.
Mr A. W. M. Ohlsen, Secretary, Auckland R.S.A., to the Commander, Northern Military Command, Auckland, 20 April 1933, in AD1 762 19/41/3 Part 1.
32. Lieutenant-Colonel I. T. Standish, Wellington. Note for the file concerning the meeting of the War Museum Committee on 2 May 1933, note dated 4 May 1933, in AD1 763 19/45/3.
33.
Colonel Nicholls, Commander, Southern Military Command, Christchurch, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 22 May 1934; Lieutenant-Colonel I. T. Standish, Wellington, to Headquarters, Southern Military Command, Christchurch, 24 May 1934, both in AD1 762 19/41/3 Part 1.
34. The Southland Times, 16 June 1981.
35.
McDonald, City of Dunedin, pp. 349, 416.
36.
Sub-Leader in the Otago Daily Times (hereafter ODT), 3 February 1936, p. 8.
37. Report of the meeting of the Dunedin City Council on 3 February 1936, ibid, 4 February 1936, p. 6.
38.
Photograph of one of two R.M.L. Armstrong coastal defence guns in Queens Gardens, Dunedin, ibid, 12 May 1936, p. 11.
39. Report of the meeting of the Reserves Committee of the Dunedin City Council on 11 May 1936, ibid, 12 May 1936, p. 4.
40. Report of the ‘Students’ Prank’ on 12 May 1936, ibid, 13 May 1936, p.7.
41.
Mr G. A Lewin, Town Clerk, Dunedin City Council, to Mr R. Barnett, Knox College Students’ Association, Dunedin, 13 July 1936, in D.C.C. T.C. 33 1936 Reserves C/1, held at DCC Archives, Dunedin.
42.
R. Barnett, Knox College, Dunedin to G. A. Lewin, Dunedin, 14 July 1936, in ibid; J. B. Thomson, ‘Dunedin’s Great Gun Debate Went On and On’, ODT, 12 August 1972.
43. Mr A. W. McCorkindale, Dunedin, to G. A. Lewin, Dunedin, 25 July 1936, in D.C.C. T.C. 33 1936 Reserves C/1.
44. Thomson, ‘Dunedin’s Great Gun Debate’, ODT, 12 August 1972.
45.
Report of the meeting of the Dunedin City Council on 7 December 1936, ibid, 8 December 1936, p. 6.
46.
Feature article, ‘The Guns of Yesterday’, in The Evening Star, Dunedin, 26 August 1978, p. 8.
47. Major G. T. King, Director of Ordnance Services, Trentham, to the Quartermaster-General, Wellington, 28 June 1937, in AD1 762 19/41/3 Part 1.
48.
Mr H. Turner, Under-Secretary of Defence, Wellington, to Mr J. W. Heenan, Under-Secretary of Internal Affairs, Wellington, 31 August 1938, in ibid.
49.
Mr W. R. B. Oliver, Director, Dominion Museum, Wellington, 5 December 1937, in ibid.
50.
Mr L. W. Moult, Wellington, to J. W. Heenan, Wellington, 5 December 1937, in ibid.
51. Mr W. J. Phillipps, Acting Director, Dominion Museum, Wellington, to J. W. Heenan, Wellington, 13 April 1938, in ibid.
52. W .J. Phillipps, Wellington, to the General Officer Commanding, Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 5 October 1938, in ibid.
53. H. Turner, Wellington, to W .J. Phillipps, Wellington, 21 October 1928, in ibid.
54. Mr A. Cowles, Chairman, Wellington War Memorial and Carillion Society, Wellington, to J. W. Heenan, Wellington, 2 December 1938, in ibid.
55. W. R. B. Olliver, Wellington, to J. W. Heenan, Wellington, 8 December 1938; H. Turner, Wellington, to J. W. Heenan, Wellington, 20 December 1938, both in ibid.
56. Barber, Red Coat to Jungle Green, pp. 103-4.
57. Scholefield, Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Volume II, p. 234.
58. Lieutenant-Colonel R. A. Roach (for Commander, Central Military Command), Wellington, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 5 May 1939, in AD1 762 19/41/3 Part 1.
59.
Andrews and Ruffell, ‘The Cannon at Okahu Bay’, p. 4; Watt, Centenary of Invercargill, p. 167.
60.
Lieutenant-Colonel W. A. Roach (for Commander, Central Military Command), Wellington, to Defence Headquarters, Wellington, 1 June 1943; Brigadier W. R. Burge, Quartermaster-General, Wellington to Headquarters, Central Military Command, Wellington, 30 June 1943, both in AD1 762 19/41/3 Part 1.
61.
The Evening Star, Dunedin, 30 August 1978, p. 6.
62.
Watt, Centenary of Invercargill, p. 167.
63.
Some examples of World War One German and Turkish field guns now private owned are: Christchurch: German 105 mm 1FH 98/09 at the Yaldhurst Motor Museum. Photographed August 1980. Two unidentified German field guns, Colin Young Collection, Christchurch. Photographed 14/5/86, both in Volume 1, War Trophies Albums, Author’s Collection. Dipton: German 105 mm lFH 98/09 Number 1359 (originally presented to the Gore Borough Council in 1921). Photographed 8/1/83, in ibid. Dunedin: German 17 cm Minenwerfer, Number 1502 (originally presented to the Owaka Town Board in 1921). Photographed 27/3/85, in ibid. Invercargill: Turkish 75 mm field gun, stamped ‘1/1 WARWICKSHIRE YEO, WARWICKSHIRE’ (originally presented to the Kaitangata Borough Council in 1921). Photographed 25/5/87, in ibid. Riversdale: German 77 mm C 96 n/A, Number 381 (originally presented to the Queenstown Borough Council, 1921). Photographed 18/12/86, War Trophies Albums Volume 2, Author’s Collection. An example of a war trophy now serving as a rubbish tin was in Tapanui, where the German Albrecht Flugel Minenwerfer, Number 121, sat in the centre of the township.
64. Letter received from Mr G. N. Jeffrey, Roxburgh, 14 February 1983; Letter received from Mr M. D. Nelson, Hawea Flat School, 21 February 1983, both in author’s personal correspondence file on war trophies.
65.
The German F.K.’16 on Bluff Hill was worked out of its concrete pedestal, the barrel was removed from the carriage, and both the barrel and the carriage were rolled down the hill, smashing the gun’s shield in the process. Photographed prior to its removal to the Papakura R.S.A., Auckland, Queen’s Birthday Weekend, 1981. , War Trophies Albums Volume 1, Author’s Collection; The Southland Times, 16 June 1981.
66. Ruffell, ‘The Queen Elizabeth II Army Memorial Museum, Waiouru’, pp. 3-4.
67. These guns were photographed as follows: Alexandra: a 25 Pounder field gun, registered Number CA 10193, outside the Alexandra R.S.A. Clubrooms. Photographed January 1983, War Trophies Albums Volume 2, Author’s Collection. Greymouth: a 25 Pounder field gun, registered Number R. 8229, outside the Greymouth R.S.A. Clubrooms. Photographed 17/4/83, War Trophies Albums Volume 1, Author’s Collection. Timaru: a 25 Pounder field gun outside the Timaru R.S.A. Clubrooms. Photographed 10/5/87, War Trophies Albums Volume 2, Author’s Collection. Gore: A 20 mm Oerlikon Anti-Aircraft gun, above the entrance to the Gore R.S.A. Clubrooms. photographed April 1985, War Trophies Albums Volume 1, Author’s Collection. Ranfurly: a 3.7 inch Anti-Aircraft gun, registered numbers 4477 (barrel) and 3357 (mounting), in the centre of Ranfurly. Photographed 24/11/86, War Trophies Albums Volume 2, Author’s Collection.
68.
The Southland Times, 13 February 1985, 15 February 1985, 19 February 1985 and 5 March 1985; ODT, 16 August 1983; The Daily News, Eltham, 15 October 1983 and 18 October 1983. The Krupp 105 mm howitzer in Waipawa was restored as part of the Waipawa Community Work Scheme and was placed back on public display on Anzac Day 1982. Photographed 8 March 1985, War Trophies Albums Volume 3, Author’s Collection.


69.
Letter received from Mr D. B. Nash, Deputy Head, Department of Printed Books, The Imperial War Museum, London, 17 July 1987, in author’s personal correspondence file on war trophies.

Conclusion: Lost Opportunities

The central thesis in Christopher Pugsley's study of New Zealand's involvement in the Gallipoli Campaign is that self-proclaimed nationalism was 'out of character' for New Zealanders after World War One. He suggests that there was 'little encouragement to remember' the war, except with 'memorials in stone.'[1] Pugsley is, in part, elaborating on Patsy Adam-Smith's conclusion in The Anzacs that such 'squat stone monuments' were 'the symbolic tombs of an ideal' - the loss of innocence experienced by Australian soldiers in battle.[2] However, given the facts concerning New Zealand's World War One trophies, it is clear that there was a strong desire amongst both the members of the N.Z.E.F. and the general public within New Zealand to commemorate the war in some way. The significant feature of this story is not the failure to establish a National War Museum, despite the establishment of such museums elsewhere in the British Empire. What is important is how and why the opportunity to create a national memorial to the N.Z.E.F. was lost, and what this lost opportunity demonstrates about the psychological gulf which separated the New Zealand public and the veterans of the Great War.

The weapons produced by the State and private arms factories in Germany, prior to November 1918, were nothing more than the most technologically advanced means of killing people on a large scale which had hitherto been invented. For the German and Turkish troops who used them, they represented the industrial and technological might of Germany. For the New Zealand troops who experienced the full effect of these weapons, they epitomised the war - the carnage, the suffering and the futility of it all. It was only when the enemy artillery, machine guns and small arms were finally silenced, at an inestimable cost in human lives, that they became redundant as weapons, and took on a greater, more tragic significance. The silent trophies represented the achievements and sacrifices of the New Zealand units which had captured them. They also highlighted the achievements of the N.Z.E.F. as a separate entity within the Imperial Forces, and of the New Zealand war effort as a whole. The quantity of captured enemy weaponry was all that the N.Z.E.F. had to show for its 59,987 casualties, and these trophies thus became the focus for a self-proclaimed (if short-lived) nationalism. The N.Z.E.F.'s war trophies were proudly exhibited in the Imperial War Museum in London, to demonstrate New Zealand's contribution to the Allied war effort. They were also to be enshrined in a National War Museum in Wellington, to educate the New Zealand public about the N.Z.E.F.'s achievements in World War One. These trophies were silently symbolic of the N.Z.E.F.'s losses in the war, with the proceeds from the proposed museum to be used to help the 41,821 New Zealanders who were wounded on active service.

The New Zealand public was unable to comprehend exactly how the war had changed those who had experienced its horrors. The conflict had been too distant from New Zealand, and the constant flow of propaganda from England, faithfully re-printed by local newspapers, was too compelling to be disbelieved. Nothing had occurred within New Zealand to shake the public's confidence in the British Empire, or of the honour and glory of battle. The N.Z.E.F.'s war trophies were merely interesting mementos of the war, and could not communicate the sense of national sacrifice which these weapons symbolised for the N.Z.E.F. Local authorities wanted to commemorate the glorious war dead with stone memorials, while the desire of the surviving veterans to establish a National War Museum was never realised. The N.Z.E.F. was never given the opportunity to display its trophies in a single building, so that the significance of the war could be effectively illustrated to those who had never experienced the realities of battle. The new financial and political considerations of the post-war world meant that the opportunity to create a national memorial to the N.Z.E.F. was let slip.

New Zealand's World War One veterans became alienated from the society which they had fought to protect. Some historians even refer to them as the 'lost generation of 1914'. Their sense of a separate New Zealand identify, forged in battle, was never shared by a country which continued to impress upon its youth the value of the Empire.[3] Without a war museum, the veterans could not hope to convey the truth of the war to those at home, for the poor state of the N.Z.E.F.'s war records precluded the production of official military histories. The N.Z.E.F.'s war trophy collection thus inadvertently played a brief part in the perpetual political struggle between local authorities and central government - an integral part of the New Zealand political scene since the abolition of the provincial governments in 1876.[4] The trophies ceased to symbolise the nation's sacrifice in the war, and came to represent, instead, the relative importance of New Zealand's cities, towns and districts. Local authorities wanted trophies to fulfil a civic purpose, and it was soon realised that the importance of a settlement was illustrated by the size of the trophy which it received. Patriotism may have been the initial motivation for the applications for suitable trophies by local authorities, but the arrival of the battle-scarred weaponry often dispelled this patriotic fervour - especially as many of these weapons were unsuitable for public display.

The national distribution of the N.Z.E.F.'s captured enemy material throughout the country, by a government which regarded the demands of local councils as being more important than the wishes of the nation's war veterans, virtually sealed the fate of these trophies. If central government was unwilling to fund a national war museum to house the weapons, then the local authorities were even more reluctant to pay for the upkeep of their war trophies. The silent enemy weaponry beside New Zealand's war memorials was significant only to those who knew what the trophies' silence had cost the country. For the majority of New Zealanders, the war trophies had no significance whatsoever, meaning that their eventual destruction, by the police, pacifists and local authorities alike, caused no great public outcry.

If World War One produced no immediate New Zealand nationalism (New Zealanders remaining staunch supporters of the British Empire), or no encouragement to understand the true meaning of the war for New Zealand, it was, in part, because the opportunity to commemorate the conflict in a national shrine was lost. The New Zealand public could thus not comprehend the ways in which men from the country's Military Districts had found between themselves a unifying national identify as the New Zealand Expeditionary Force. The Force's only physical evidence of this newly-discovered nationalism - its trophies of war - was not enough to convey this nationalistic sentiment to the rest of the population. Instead, it took some seventy years for the true significance of World War One, in the development of New Zealand's national identity, to be realised.[5] Unfortunately, for the majority of the country's World War One veterans - and their war trophies - this realisation came much too late.





References: 1. Pugsley, Gallipoli, p. 354.
2. Adam-Smith, The Anzacs, p. 356.
3. Pugsley, Gallipoli, p. 24.
4. Sinclair, A History of New Zealand, pp. 151-3.
5. Pugsley, Gallipoli, pp. 11-13, 23-27.

Appendix

Otago and Southland Trophy Guns as at 1921

Type Captured By Number Presented To Now At
105mm Howitzer 14105 Oamaru
24.5cm Sch. MW 3674 Oamaru Kuriheka Estate North Otago
"Ordnance QF" 5553 Oamaru
105mm Field Gun 12469 Waitaki BHS Oamaru
Trench Mortar 202 Waitaki County Council Oamaru
105mm Field Gun 1852 Waihemo County Council Palmerston
77mm Field Gun NZ Div 23/8/18 19424 Vincent County Council
77mm F.K.'16 NZ Div 11/9/18 25261 Cromwell Cromwell
77mm F.K.'16 NZ Div 23/8/18 11746 Naseby Naseby
105mm lFH '98/09 90 Balclutha Yaldhurst Motor Museum, Christchurch
105mm lFH '98/09 1359 Gore Gore RSA
75mm Turkish Milton
Trench Mortar 1693 Milton
75mm M'03 Turk 1/1 Warwick, Huj, Palestine 8/11/178 488 Kaitangata Warwickshire Yeomanry Regimental Museum, Warwick, England.
75mm Field Gun 47 Lawrence
77mm Field Gun 6467 Bluff
77mm F.K.'16 17265 Winton Papakura RSA via Bluff Hill
77mm I.G. L/20 9349 Riverton Earnscleugh
77mm C'96 n/A NZ Div 23/8/18 381 Queenstown
75mm M'03 Turk 7th Australian Light Horse 442 Arrowtown Arrowtown
105mm Turkish Mataura
75mm Turkish Wyndham
75mm M'03 Turk 480 Otautau Otautau
105mm M'17 lFH NZ Div 5/11/18 6384 St Kilda Oamaru
105mm Howitzer 16276 Port Chalmers
77mm Howitzer NZ Div 5/11/18 7395 Mosgiel
"Nordenfeldt" OMR 6/8/15 Dunedin
77mm Field Gun 13809 Dunedin
77mm Field Gun 6919 Dunedin
10cm Field Gun NZ Div 9/9/18 6495 Dunedin
75mm (M'10?) Turk Dunedin
77mm C'96 n/A 9419 Dunedin Kuriheka Estate North Otago
77mm C'96 n/A 8429 Waikouaiti
77mm Field Gun 2097 Green Island
77mm C'96 n/A 2877 Portobello Portobello?
17cm Minenwerfer 1502 Owaka Dunedin
24cm Sch. Fl MW 121 Tapanui Tapanui
24.5 Sch. MW 2 CIB 2/8/18 4980 Roxburgh Roxburgh
12cm Turk Mortar 11 Clinton
17cm Minenwerfer 5164 Invercargill
"Ordnance QF" 5896 Invercargill
77m C'96 n/A NZ Div 13262 Not on Trophy List Otautau
13.5cm Siege Gun NZ Div 29/9/18 77 Dunedin Buried circa 1936/37?
21cm M"rser? 359 Invercargill Buried circa 1942?



75mm M'03 Turk: Modell 1903 Feldkanone [field gun] L/30. 558 of these guns were delivered to Turkey between 1903 and 1907. Manufacturer: Friedrich Krupp AG.
75mm M'10 Turk: Modell 1910 Feldkanone [field gun] L/30. An improved model of the M'03 Feldkanone, supplied to the Turkish Army after 1910. Manufacturer: Friedrich Krupp AG.
77mm C'96 n/A: (also abbreviated as FK'96 n/A)Feldkanone [field gun] model 1896 neuer Art [new model]. Developed in 1904 from the 1896 model field gun. Manufacturers: Friedrich Krupp AG and Ehrhardt (Rheinische Metallwaren-und-Maschinenfabrik - RhMF).
"Ordnance QF": The British description of a quick-firing field gun, which in this case probably refers to a 77mm C'96 n/A.
77mm F.K.'16: Feldkanone [field gun] model 1916 L/35. Manufacturer: Rheinische Metallwaren-und-Maschinenfabrik (RhMF).
7mm I.G. L/20: Infanterie Geschutz [infantry gun] used by Nahkampf Batterien [close-range batteries] for anti-tank and infantry close defence work. A modified version of the 77mm C'96 n/A, mounted on low wheels and with the trunnions positioned forward of the axle.
77mm Field Gun: Presumably either a 77mm C'96 n/A or a 77mm F.K. '16.
10cm Field Gun: Type unidentified.
105mm lFH' 98/09: Liechte Feldhaubitze [light field howitzer] model 1898/1909. Manufacturer: Friedrich Krupp AG.
105mm Howitzer: Probably the British description of the lFH '98/09.
105mm M'17 lFH: Modell 1917 leichte Feldhaubitze [light field howitzer] L/10. Also known as a Krupp 105.Manufacturer: Friedrich Krupp AG.
105mm Field Gun: Probably the British description of the Modell 1916 Feldhaubitze [field howitzer] L/22, which replaced the lFH '98/09 as the standard German Divisional Artillery weapon from 1916. Manufacturer: Rheinische Metallwaren-und-Maschinenfabrik (RhMF).
105mm Turkish: Type unidentified.
13.5cm Siege Gun: Possibly a 13cm Kanone [gun], a long-range high-velocity quick-firing gun. Manufacturer: Friedrich Krupp AG.
12cm Turk Mortar: Type unidentified.
17cm Minenwerfer: Modell 1916 Mittlerer Minenwerfer n/A [medium trench mortar, new model].
24cm Sch. Fl. MW: The Albrecht Schwere Flugelminenwerfer [heavy vaned trench mortar] was a smooth-bored mortar which fired a heavy high-explosive projectile fitted with vanes.
24.5cm Sch. MW: Modell 1916 Schwere Minenwerfer n/A [heavy trench mortar, new model].
Nordenfeldt: Type unidentified, but described as a two-barrelled. Captured, together with a trench mortar, by the Otago Mounted Rifles on Bauchop's Ridge, ANZAC Cove, Gallipoli on 6 August 1915.
   
2 CIB: 2nd Battalion, Canterbury Infantry Regiment
7th Australian Light Horse: 7th Australian Light Horse Regiment.
NZ Div: New Zealand Division (1916-1919)
OMR: Otago Mounted Rifles Regiment
1/1 Warwick: 1st Squadron 1st Regiment Warwickshire Yeomanry Regiment

Bibliography

I " Primary Sources

(A) Unpublished Official and Unofficial Records

(i) Held at the National Archives, Wellington
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WA1 10/1/3 ZWR 6/8 Part 1  
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(iv) Held in the Author"s Collection, Invercargill
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Manual of Military Law, 1914, His Majesty"s Stationery Office, London, 1917.
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New Zealand Parliamentary Debates, Volume 186, 24 June to 5 August 1920, Marcus F. Marks, Government Printer, Wellington, 1920.
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(C) Newspapers

The Daily News, Eltham.
The Evening Star, Dunedin.
The Otago Daily Times, Dunedin.
The Southland Times, Invercargill.
(Newspaper material cited in this work, but not listed above, was found on various official files.)


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Juvenal, The Sixteen Satires (translated by P. Green), Penguin Books Limited, Middlesex, 1982 (reprint).
King, M., New Zealanders at War, Heinemann Publishers, Auckland, 1981.
Kinloch,T., Echoes of Gallipoli in the words of New Zealand"s Mounted Riflemen, Exisle Publishing Limited, Auckland, 2005.
Knight, F. H., Dunedin Then, John McIndoe Limited, Dunedin, 1977 (reprint).
Knight, F. H., Otago Cavalcade 1911 " 1915, Allied Press Limited, Dunedin, 1984.
Knight, F. H., Otago Cavalcade 1921 " 1925, Allied Press Limited, Dunedin, 1984.
Kosar, F., A Pocket History of Artillery, Light Fieldguns, Ian Allan Limited, London, 1974.
Latifi, A., Effects of War on Property, Being Studies in International Law and Policy, Macmillan and Company Limited, London, 1909.
Lee, J. A., Civilian into Soldier, May Fair Books Limited, London, 1963.
McDonald, K. C., City of Dunedin, A Century of Civic Enterprise, Dunedin City Corporation, Dunedin, 1965.
McGibbon, I. C., Blue-Water Rationale, The Naval Defence of New Zealand 1914 " 1942, Historical Publications Branch, Department of Internal Affairs, Wellington, 1981.
Montgomery of Alamein, A Concise History of Warfare, William Collins, Sons and Company Limited, London, 1972.
Mumby, F. A., The Great World War, A History, Volumes One to Nine, The Gresham Publishing Company, London, 1915 " 1920.
Nash, D. B., German Artillery 1914 " 1918, Altmark Publishing Company Limited, London, 1971 (reprint).
Nash, D. B., Imperial German Army Handbook 1914 " 1918, Ian Allan Limited, London, 1980.
Nicholson, G. W. L., Official History of the Canadian Army in the First World War, Canadian Expeditionary Force 1914 " 1919, R. Duhamel, Queen"s Printer and Controller of Stationery, Ottawa, 1962.
Powles, C. G., Official History of New Zealand"s Effort in the Great War, Volume III, The New Zealanders in Sinai and Palestine, Whitcombe and Tombs Limited, Wellington, 1922.
Pugsley, C., Gallipoli, The New Zealand Story, Hodder and Stoughton Limited, Auckland, 1984.
Scholefield, G. H., A Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Volume II, Department of Internal Affairs, Wellington, 1940.
Scholefield, G. H., Who"s Who in New Zealand and the Western Pacific, 1925, Masterton, 1924.
Schwimmer, E., The World of the Maori, A.H. and A.W. Reed, Wellington, 1966.
Sinclair, K., A History of New Zealand, Penguin Books Limited, Middlesex, 1959.
Stewart, H., Official History of New Zealand"s Effort in the Great War, Volume II, The New Zealand Division 1916 " 1919, Whitcombe and Tombs Limited, Wellington, 1921.
Stowers, R., First New Zealanders to the Boer War 1899, History of the First Contingent of New Zealand Mounted Rifles in the Boer War 1899-1902, followed by a description of each member, Priority Press, Hamilton, 1983.
Studholme, J., Record of Personal Services During the War of Officers, Nurses and First-Class Warrant Officers; and other facts relating to the N.Z.E.F. (unofficial, but based on official records), W.A.G. Skinner, Government Printer, Wellington, 1928.
Terraine, J., The Great War 1914 " 1918, A Pictorial History, Hutchison and Company Limited, London, 1965.
Waite, F., Official History of New Zealand"s Effort in the Great War, Volume I, The New Zealanders at Gallipoli, Whitcombe and Tombs Limited, Wellington, 1919.
Watt, J. O. P., Centenary of Invercargill Municipality, 1871 " 1971, Times Printing Service, Invercargill, 1971.
Wicksteed, M. R., The New Zealand Army. A History from the 1840s to the 1980s, P.D. Hasselberg, Government Printer, Wellington, 1982.
Wright, H. M., New Zealand 1769 " 1840. Early Years of Western Contact, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1959.


(B) Articles and Essays

Andrews, C. J. and Ruffell, W. L., "The Canon at Okahu Bay", in The Volunteers, The Journal of the New Zealand Military Historical Society, Volume 7, Number 4 (March 1981).
Binney, J., "Christianity and the Maoris to 1840, A Comment", in The New Zealand Journal of History, Volume 3, Number 2 (October 1969).
Foley, J., "A7V Sturmpanzerwagen", in D. Crow (editor), Armoured Fighting Vehicles of the World. Volume One, A.F.V.s of World War One, Profile Publications Limited, Windsor, 1970.
Hale, J.R., "Gunpowder and the Renaissance: an essay in the history of ideas", in C.H. Carter (editor), From The Renaissance to the Counter-Reformation, Essays in Honour of Garrett Mattingly, Jonathan Cape, London, 1966
Hundleby, M. A., "Modelling the German A7V of W.W.1, Part One", in Military Modelling, May 1979.
Moorehead, M., "No Medals for the Anzacs", in The Volunteers, Volume 13, Number 3 (May 1987).
Richardson, L., "Parties and Political Change", Chapter 8 in W.H. Oliver and B.R. Williams (editors), The Oxford History of New Zealand, Oxford University Press, Wellington, 1984 (reprint).
Ruffell, W. L., "The Armstrong Gun (Part V)", in The Volunteers, Volume 7, Number 2 (September 1980).
Ruffell, W.L., "The Armstrong Gun (Part VI)", in The Volunteers, Volume 7, Number 3 (December 1980).
Ruffell, W. L., "The Guns in Albert Park (Part I)", in The Volunteers, Volume 5, Number 7 (July 1978).
Ruffell, W. L., "The Guns in Albert Park (Part II)", in The Volunteers, Volume 5, Number 8 (September 1978).
Ruffell, W.L., "Weaponry and Tactics in the Taranaki Wars. Part 1 - Weaponry", in The Volunteers, Volume 8, Number 2 (September 1981).
Scott, B., "A Cannon in Search of an Identity", in New Zealand Cavalcade of Antique Arms. A Twentieth Anniversary Publication of The New Zealand Antique Arms Association Incorporated, 1959 " 1979, Caxton Press, Christchurch, 1979.
Scott, B., "Sword is symbol of war"s first victory"and not a shot was fired", in New Zealand Cavalcade of Antique Arms. A Twentieth Anniversary Publication of The New Zealand Antique Arms Association Incorporated, 1959 " 1979, Caxton Press, Christchurch, 1979.
Sudlow, A., "Work is a four letter word", in Coin and Medal News, Volume 24, Number 5 (May 1987).
Williams, D. A., "Australia"s War Memorial", in Military Modelling, August 1984.
Anonymous, "More about the Cass Square Cannon", in The Volunteers, Volume 5, Number 7 (July 1978).


(C) Unpublished Essays

Wilkie, P. J., Keeping Faith With the Dead: War Memorials in the Dunedin Area (March 1983), Department of History, University of Otago, Dunedin.

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